After years of increased tensions and hostilities between the TPLF and the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea, fighting began when TPLF forces attacked the Northern Command headquarters of the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), alongside a number of other bases in Tigray.[54] The ENDF counterattacked from the south – while Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF) began launching attacks from the north – which Prime MinisterAbiy Ahmed described as a “law enforcement operation”.[55][56] Federal allied forces captured Mekelle, the capital of the Tigray Region, on 28 November, after which Abiy declared the operation “over.”[57][58] However, the TPLF stated soon afterwards that it would continue fighting until the “invaders” were out,[59][60] and on 28 June 2021, the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) retook Mekelle; by July the same year, they had also advanced into the Amhara and Afar regions.[61] In early November 2021, the TDF, together with the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), took control of several towns on the highway south from Tigray Region towards Addis Ababa, and the TPLF stated that it considered “marching on [the capital].”[62][63] Together with seven smaller rebel groups, the TPLF and OLA declared a coalition aiming to “dismantle Abiy’s government by force or by negotiations, and then form a transitional authority.”[64] 参考译文：经过多年的紧张和敌对，提格雷人民解放阵线（TPLF）与埃塞俄比亚和厄立特里亚政府之间的冲突开始升级。TPLF军队袭击了埃塞俄比亚国家国防部队（ENDF）的北部指挥部以及其他位于提格雷的一些基地。[54] ENDF从南部发起反击，而厄立特里亚国防军（EDF）则从北部发动攻击。总理阿比·艾哈迈德称这是一次”执法行动”。[55][56] 联邦联合部队于11月28日攻占了提格雷地区的首府默克莱，随后阿比宣布行动结束。[57][58] 然而，TPLF很快表示将继续战斗，直到”侵略者”被赶出去。[59][60] 2021年6月28日，提格雷防卫军（TDF）重新占领了默克莱；到同年7月，他们已经推进到阿姆哈拉和阿法尔地区。[61] 2021年11月初，TDF与奥罗莫解放军（OLA）一起控制了从提格雷地区向南通往亚的斯亚贝巴的高速公路上的几个城镇，TPLF表示他们考虑”向首都进军”。[62][63] TPLF和OLA与七个较小的 rebel groups组成联盟，旨在通过武力或谈判解散阿比政府，并成立过渡当局。[64]
After a successful government counter-offensive in response, and then a series of negotiations with the TPLF, Ethiopia declared an indefinite humanitarian truce on 24 March 2022, in order to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid into Tigray.[65] However, fighting dramatically re-escalated in late August 2022, after peace talks broke down.[66] Rapid mobilization of troops soon followed, with Ethiopia, Eritrea and Tigray reportedly organizing hundreds of thousands of troops against each other by October the same year.[29] After a number of peace and mediation proposals in the intervening years, Ethiopia and the Tigrayan rebel forces agreed to a cessation of hostilities on 2 November, which went into effect the day after;[51]Eritrea was not a party to the agreement, however,[67]and they largely continued to occupy parts of Tigray as of 2023.[68] 参考译文：在政府成功反击后，经过与提格雷人民解放阵线的一系列谈判，埃塞俄比亚于2022年3月24日宣布无限期人道主义停火，以便将人道主义援助送入提格雷。[65]然而，在和平谈判破裂后，8月下旬战斗再次急剧升级。[66]随后迅速调动军队，据报道，截至同年10月，埃塞俄比亚、厄立特里亚和提格雷组织了数十万军队对抗对方。[29]在接下来的几年里，提出了许多和平与调解建议，埃塞俄比亚和提格雷叛军于11月2日达成协议停止敌对行动，并于次日生效；[51]然而，厄立特里亚并未参与该协议，[67]截至2023年，他们仍在很大程度上继续占领提格雷部分地区。[68]
All sides, particularly the ENDF, EDF, Amhara forces and TDF, committed war crimes during the conflict.[69][70][71][72][73] Mass extrajudicial killings of civilians took place throughout, including in Axum,[74]Bora,[75]Chenna,[76][77]Kobo,[78][79] the Hitsats refugee camp,[80]Humera,[81]Mai Kadra,[73][82] the Debre Abbay monastery,[75][83] and Zalambessa.[84] Between 162,000–600,000 people were killed,[45][44] and war rape became a “daily” occurrence, with girls as young as 8 and women as old as 72 being raped, often in front of their families.[85][86] A major humanitarian crisis developed as a result of the war,[40] which led to widespread famine.[87][42] It also inflicted immense economic damage on the region, with the cost of rebuilding alone estimated to be roughly $20 billion.[88] 参考译文：在冲突期间，各方都存在战争罪行，特别是ENDF、EDF、Amhara军队和TDF。[69][70][71][72][73] 在此期间，平民遭受了大规模的法外杀害，包括在阿克苏姆、博拉、车纳、科博、希特萨斯难民营、胡梅拉、迈卡德拉、德布雷阿贝亚修道院和扎拉姆贝萨等地。[74][75][76][77][78][79][80][81][82][83][84] 估计有16.2万至60万人丧生，[45][44] 战争强奸成为”日常”事件，甚至有8岁的女孩和72岁的妇女被强奸，通常还是在家人面前。[85][86] 战争导致了重大的人道主义危机，[40] 进而引发了广泛的饥荒。[87][42] 它还给该地区带来了巨大的经济损失，仅重建成本估计就高达约200亿美元。[88]
The government and the TPLF formally agreed to a cessation of hostilities and systematic, verifiable disarmament (2 November 2022)[21][22][23] 参考译文：政府和TPLF正式同意停止敌对行动并进行系统性、可核查的解除武装（2022年11月2日） Second agreement for implementing the peace deal signed by both parties (12 November 2022)[24][25] 参考译文：双方签署的执行和平协议的第二份协议（2022年11月12日） Federal authority in the Tigray Region is reestablished 参考译文：在提格雷地区重建联邦权力 Interim Regional Administration of Tigrayformed on 23 March 2023 参考译文：2023年3月23日组建提格雷临时区域行政机构 Continued Eritrean Defense Forces presence in Tigray Region 参考译文：厄立特里亚国防军继续驻扎在提格雷地区 Status of Tigray Region’s Western Zonestill disputed 参考译文：提格雷地区西部地带的地位仍存在争议
【表内注a】 Some articles state that the war began on 4 November;[46] however, the earliest instances of fighting are reported to have taken place during the very late hours of 3 November, EAT (UTC+03:00).[47][48][49] 参考译文：有文章称战争始于11月4日；[46]然而，据报告最早的战斗发生在11月3日（UTC+03:00）深夜。[47][48][49]
Following the end of the Ethiopian Civil War in 1991, Ethiopia became a dominant-party state under the rule of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of four ethnically basedparties.[89] The founding and most influential member was the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), led by Meles Zenawi, who was the prime minister of Ethiopiauntil his death in 2012.[90][91] He was succeeded by Deputy Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, the chairman of the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM), a coalition member.[92] On 15 February 2018, Hailemariam announced his resignation as both prime minister and chairman of the EPRDF, owing to a growing discontentwithin the public, fueled by a reaction to 27 years of repressive governance.[93][94][95] 【参考译文】在1991年埃塞俄比亚内战结束后，埃塞俄比亚成为埃塞俄比亚人民革命民主阵线（EPRDF）的统治下的统治党派国家，这是一个由四个基于种族的政党组成的联盟。[89] 创始人，最有影响力的成员是由泰格里人民解放阵线（TPLF），由梅莱斯·泽纳维（Meles Zenawi）领导，梅莱斯·泽纳维（Meles Zenawi）一直是埃塞俄比亚总理，直到2012年去世。[90] [91] 他由埃塞俄比亚人民民主运动（SEPDM）主席Hailemariam Desalegn副总理Hailemariam Desalegn继承。[92] 2018年2月15日，Hailemariam宣布辞去了EPRDF总理和主席的辞职，这是由于公众内部的不满日益加剧，这对27年的压制治理产生了反应。[93] [94] [95] [95]
On 28 March 2018, in a closed-door election to chair the EPRDF, executive committee members elected the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organisation (OPDO) chairman Abiy Ahmed.[96] On 2 April 2018, Ethiopian parliament elected Abiy as prime minister.[97] One of Abiy’s first actions after his election was to initiate a warming of relations with Eritrea, a long-time rival of the TPLF, to end a 20-year long border conflict.[98] While this decision was considered a cause of celebration at the time,[99][100] many within the Tigray Region were heavily critical of this, seeing it as a betrayal of those who died in the 1998–2000 war.[101] The TPLF condemned the peace initiatives, saying they were hastily made, had “fundamental flaws”, and also claimed it was decided on without consulting long-time TPLF members.[102] 【参考译文】2018年3月28日，在一次关于埃塞俄比亚人民革命民主阵线主席的闭门选举中，执行委员会成员选举了奥罗莫人民民主组织( OPDO )主席阿比·艾哈迈德。[96]2018年4月2日，埃塞俄比亚议会选举阿比为总理。[97]阿比当选后采取的首要行动之一是发起与厄立特里亚的友好关系，以结束与提格雷人民解放阵线长期存在的敌对关系，从而结束长达20年的边界冲突。[98]尽管这一决定在当时被认为是一种庆祝的原因，[99][100]但提格雷地区的许多人对此表示强烈不满，认为这是对那些在1998-2000年战争中死去的人的背叛。[101]提格雷人民解放阵线谴责和平倡议，称其草率制定，存在”根本性缺陷” ，并声称这是在没有征求长期提格雷人民解放阵线成员意见的情况下做出的决定。[102]
On 1 December 2019, Abiy merged the ethnic and region-based parties of the EPRDF (which had governed Ethiopia for 28 years) and several opposition parties into his new Prosperity Party.[103][104] The TPLF, which had long dominated Ethiopian politics, refused to join this new party.[105][106] After losing the election and being ousted from the federal government, TPLF officials relocated to the Tigray Region, continuing to administer control there while frequently clashing with the federal government.[89][107] In one instance, the Tigray regional government was reported to have defied the federal government and refused to allow Ethiopian Federal Police to arrest Getachew Assefa, the former chief of the National Intelligence and Security Service(NISS) of Ethiopia and executive member of the TPLF.[108] 【参考译文】2019年12月1日，阿比将执政了28年的埃塞俄比亚人民革命民主阵线（EPRDF）的种族和地区性政党以及几个反对党合并到他的新繁荣党中。[103][104]长期主导埃塞俄比亚政治的提格雷人民解放阵线（TPLF）拒绝加入这个新党。[105][106]在选举失败并被逐出联邦政府后，TPLF官员迁至提格雷州，继续在那里行使控制权，同时经常与联邦政府发生冲突。[89][107]据报道，有一次，提格雷州政府公然反抗联邦政府，拒绝允许埃塞俄比亚联邦警察逮捕埃塞俄比亚国家情报和安全局（NISS）前局长、提格雷人民解放阵线的执行成员Getachew Assefa。[108]
The Ethiopian government and its supporters accused the TPLF of trying to re-establish their rule over the country through violence and force.[109] In turn, the TPLF accused the federal government of accumulating too much power for itself, and that it was engaging in ethnic discrimination of Tigrayans.[110][111] 【参考译文】埃塞俄比亚政府及其支持者指责提格雷人民解放阵线试图通过暴力和武力重新建立对该国的统治。[109]反过来，提格雷人民解放阵线指责联邦政府为自己积累了太多权力，并参与对提格雷人的种族歧视。[110][111]
Throughout 2020, tensions between the federal government and the TPLF escalated in the months leading up to November.[106] In March, the National Election Board of Ethiopia delayed the general elections – originally scheduled for 29 August 2020 – to a then-undetermined date, due to the COVID-19 pandemic.[112] The terms of federal and regional lawmakers, as well as the executive branch, were then extended by federal parliamentbeyond the October 2020 constitutional mandates.[113][114] 【参考译文】2020年全年，联邦政府和提格雷人民解放阵线之间的紧张局势不断升级，直到11月达到顶点。[106] 3月份，由于新冠疫情的影响，埃塞俄比亚国家选举委员会将原定于2020年8月29日举行的大选推迟到当时尚未确定的日期。[112]随后，联邦议会决定延长联邦和地区议员以及行政部门的任期，超出了2020年10月宪法规定的范围。[113][114]
The TPLF, led by its chairman Debretsion Gebremichael, rejected these measures, arguing that they were unconstitutional, and held its own regional election on 9 September, in defiance of the federal government.[115][116][117] Several journalists were barred by the Ethiopian government from travelling to cover Tigray’s regional election.[118][119] Ethiopia considered the Tigray election to be illegal, and responded by slashing federal funding to the region, a decision the TPLF described as “tantamount to declaration of war.”[120][54] 【参考译文】提格雷人民解放阵线在其主席德布雷齐翁·格布雷梅切赫的领导下，拒绝了这些措施，认为它们违反宪法。他们不顾联邦政府的反对，于9月9日举行了自己的地区选举。[115][116][117]几名记者被埃塞俄比亚政府禁止前往报道提格雷地区的选举。[118][119]埃塞俄比亚认为提格雷的选举是非法的，作为回应，削减了对该地区的联邦资金，提格雷人民解放阵线称这一决定“相当于宣战”。[120][54]
In late September 2020, the TPLF stated that the constitutional term limit of the House of Federation, the House of Peoples’ Representatives, the prime minister, and the Council of Ministers was 5 October 2020 and that for this reason, it would consider “the incumbent” constitutionally illegitimate after 5 October; they proposed replacing the government with a technocratic caretaker government, as detailed in a plan posted on Facebook by the Coalition of Ethiopian Federalist Forces.[121] Ethiopian elite units were transported to Gherghera base near Asmara, as part of an alleged pact between Prime Minister Abiy and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki to “strike out of existence the TPLF,” according to former Eritrean Minister of DefenceMesfin Hagos.[122] 【参考译文】2020年9月下旬，提格雷人民解放阵线表示，联邦院、人民代表大会、总理和部长理事会的宪法任期限制为2020年10月5日，因此，他们将考虑在10月5日后将“现任”视为违宪；他们提议用一个技术官僚看守政府取代政府，这是由埃塞俄比亚联邦主义者联盟在Facebook上发布的计划中详细说明的。[121]据前厄立特里亚国防部长梅斯芬·哈格斯称，作为阿比总理与厄立特里亚总统伊萨亚斯·阿费沃基之间所谓的“消灭提格雷人民解放阵线”协议的一部分，埃塞俄比亚精锐部队被运送到阿斯马拉附近的Gherghera基地。[122]
In late October 2020, the Ethiopian Reconciliation Commission stated that it was trying to mediate between the federal government and the TPLF, as well as the other regional governments, but that the pre-conditions set by all sides were blocking progress.[123] As tension continued to grow, a brigadier general appointed by Abiy was prevented by the Tigray government from taking up his military post.[124] The same day before the Tigray forces launched the Northern Command attacks, the federal parliament of Ethiopia had suggested designating the TPLF as a terrorist organization.[106] 【参考译文】2020年10月下旬，埃塞俄比亚和解委员会表示，它正试图在联邦政府和提格雷人民解放阵线以及其他地区政府之间进行调解，但各方设定的先决条件阻碍了进展。[123]随着紧张局势的继续加剧，阿比任命的一名准将被提格雷政府阻止就任其军事职位。[124]同一天，在提格雷武装发动北方司令部袭击之前，埃塞俄比亚联邦议会曾建议将提格雷人民解放阵线指定为恐怖组织。[106]
1.2 宪法背景 ｜ Constitutional context
The 1995 Constitution of Ethiopia states in Article 39.1, “Every Nation, Nationality, and People in Ethiopia has an unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession.” Article 62.9 grants the House of Federation the right to “order Federal intervention if any State [government], in violation of [the] Constitution, endangers the constitutional order.”[125] 【参考译文】1995年《埃塞俄比亚宪法》第39.1条规定：“在埃塞俄比亚的每个民族、国籍和人民都有无条件的自决权，包括分离权。”第62.9条赋予联邦议会“如果任何州（政府）违反[宪法] ，危及宪政秩序，有权下令进行联邦干预”的权利。[125]
Just before midnight on 3 November 2020, Tigray Special Forces and allied local militia attacked the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) Northern Command headquarters in Mekelle, the Fifth Battalion barracks in Dansha, and other Northern Command bases.[126][127][48][106] Several people were killed and the TPLF claimed the attack was carried out in self-defence[128][108] or preemptive self-defense.[54] 【参考译文】2020年11月3日午夜前，提格雷人民解放阵线和当地结盟的民兵袭击了埃塞俄比亚国防军（ENDF）北方司令部位于默克莱的总部、丹沙的第五营兵营以及其他北方司令部基地。[126][127][48][106] 造成数人死亡，提格雷人民解放阵线声称此次袭击是出于自卫[128][108]或先发制人的自卫行动。[54]
In retaliation,[129] an Ethiopian offensive was launched on 4 November, which was accompanied by the declaration of a state of emergency, the creation of the State of Emergency Inquiry Board[130] and a shutdown of government services in the Tigray Region.[131][132] During the subsequent days, skirmishes continued and the Ethiopian federal parliament declared the creation of an interim government for Tigray.[133] Ethiopian offensives in the north were accompanied with airstrikes and several towns and cities were retaken.[134] 【参考译文】作为报复，埃塞俄比亚于11月4日发起进攻，并宣布进入紧急状态，成立紧急状态调查委员会，并关闭了提格雷地区的政府服务。在接下来的几天里，小规模冲突持续不断，埃塞俄比亚联邦议会宣布成立提格雷临时政府。埃塞俄比亚在北部的进攻伴随着空袭，多个城镇和城市被重新夺回。
图片题注：Reported conflict incidents in the first seven months of the Tigray War, including battles, ambushes, air strikes, drone attacks and shelling (reported up to 28 May 2021). 参考译文：被报道的提格雷战争前七个月的冲突事件，包括战斗、伏击、空袭、无人机袭击和炮击（报告截至 2021 年 5 月 28 日）。
On the night of 9 to 10 November 2020, 600 civilians, mostly Amharas and Welkait, were killed in a massacre in the town of Mai Kadra with machetes and knives used by local militias and police loyal to the TPLF, according to preliminary investigations by Amnesty International and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission;[135][73] other refugees, interviewed by the Financial Times and Reuters, said it was the Amhara militia who were the perpetrators and Tigrayans who were the victims.[136][137] Two days later, refugees interviewed by the Daily Telegraph, The Guardianand The New York Times stated that Amhara militias, including Fano,[138][139] and the ENDF[81] carried out beatings and massacres of 92 Tigrayans in Humera.[140] Humera was shelled from the direction of the Eritrean–Ethiopian border for two days around 9–11 November. The ENDF gained control of the town one day later.[141]Within the same month, Amhara Region forces took over and occupied Western Tigray.[142][143] 【参考译文】2020年11月9日至10日晚，在马伊卡德拉镇发生了一起大屠杀，据国际特赦组织和埃塞俄比亚人权委员会的初步调查，有600名平民（主要是阿姆哈拉人和韦尔凯特人）被当地民兵和忠于提格雷人民解放阵线的警察用砍刀和匕首杀害。[135][73]《金融时报》和路透社采访的其他难民表示，是阿姆哈拉民兵犯下了这些罪行，而受害者是提格雷人。[136][137]两天后， 《每日电讯报》 、 《卫报》和《纽约时报》采访的难民称，包括法诺在内的阿姆哈拉民兵[138][139]以及埃塞俄比亚国防军[81]在胡梅拉对92名提格雷人进行了殴打和屠杀。[140]11月9日至11日左右，胡梅拉遭到来自厄立特里亚-埃塞俄比亚边境方向的炮击。埃塞俄比亚国防军于一天后控制了该镇。[141]同月，阿姆哈拉州军队占领并占领了西提格雷。[142][143]
Offensives of joint ENDF-Amhara Region-Eritrean forces into Tigray were facilitated by the intervention of “Pterosaurus” drones, launched by the United Arab Emirates from its base in Assab, Eritrea. The Chinese-made, armed drones bombed Tigrayan artillery and weapons depots.[144][145][c][146] In the late hours of 13 November 2020, Tigray forces fired a rocket towards the airports of Bahir Dar and Gondar in the Amhara Region.[147] On 14 November, Tigray forces launched rockets at the Eritrean capital of Asmara, but the missiles missed.[148] The Tigray government claimed these locations contained military terminals that served as bases to carry out airstrikes.[149] 【参考译文】关于您提到的事件，我了解到这是一场涉及提格雷地区、阿姆哈拉地区和厄立特里亚的冲突。据报道，阿联酋在厄立特里亚的阿萨布基地发射了名为“Pterosaurus”的无人机，这些中国制造的武装无人机对提格雷地区的火炮和武器仓库进行了轰炸。2020年11月13日深夜，提格雷武装向阿姆哈拉地区的巴赫达尔和贡德尔机场发射火箭。11月14日，提格雷武装向厄立特里亚首都阿斯马拉发射火箭，但导弹未能命中目标。提格雷政府声称这些地点是进行空袭的军事基地。
From 17 to 19 November, Ethiopian forces captured the Rayadistrict and the towns of Shire, Alamata, Adwa, and Axum,[150][151]and began moving towards Adigrat.[152] Fighting between Tigray and Eritrea took place in Adi Quala, Zalembesa, Taruna, Ali Tina, Wadqomdi, and Badme.[153] On 23 November, Ethiopian forces reached the regional capital of Mekelle and encircled it. A military spokesperson for Ethiopia, Colonel Dejene Tsegaye, announced that Mekelle would be shelled, and told Tigray civilians to flee the city because Ethiopian forces would show no mercy.[154][128] 【参考译文】11月17日至19日，埃塞俄比亚军队占领了Raya地区和Shire、Alamata、Adwa和Axum等城镇，并开始向Adigrat移动。[150][151] 提格雷和厄立特里亚之间的战斗发生在Adi Quala、Zalembesa、Taruna、Ali Tina、Wadqomdi和Badme等地。[153] 11月23日，埃塞俄比亚军队抵达了该地区首府Mekelle并包围了它。埃塞俄比亚军方发言人Dejene Tsegaye上校宣布将对Mekelle进行炮击，并告诉提格雷平民逃离该市，因为埃塞俄比亚军队不会留情。[154][128]
Though TPLF leaders and special forces had already left the city, Ethiopian forces continued their direct assault on Mekelle on the morning of 28 November, and started heavily shelling the city. By the evening, Prime Minister Abiy declared Ethiopian forces had taken full control of the city. In total, 27 civilians were killed and 100 others were injured.[155][156] The Tigray government vowed to continue fighting.[59][157] 【参考译文】尽管TPLF领导人和特种部队已经离开了该市，但埃塞俄比亚军队在11月28日上午继续对Mekelle进行直接攻击，并开始对该市进行猛烈炮击。到晚上，总理阿比宣布埃塞俄比亚军队已经完全控制了该市。总共有27名平民被杀，另有100人受伤。[155][156] 提格雷政府誓言将继续战斗。[59][157]
2.2 提格雷游击战（2020年11月至2021年6月）｜ Tigrayan guerrilla warfare (November 2020 – June 2021)
2.2.1 提格雷国防军的组建 ｜ Formation of the Tigray Defense Forces
After Ethiopian federal forces and their allies captured Mekelle and other major cities, forces loyal to the Tigray government began to regroup into mountainous areas of the region and reorganized under the banner of the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF).[158][54] This retreat was partially caused by the fact that a large portion of the TDF’s artillery had been destroyed by air strikes.[159] The TDF also began to dig into their positions in rural Tigray,[160] marking the start of a guerrilla campaign against Ethiopian-allied forces from the mountains.[54] 【参考译文】在埃塞俄比亚联邦军队及其盟友攻占了默克莱和其他主要城市后，忠于提格雷政府的部队开始集结到该地区的山区，并在提格雷防卫军的旗帜下进行重组。这一撤退部分原因是提格雷防卫军的大部分火炮已被空袭摧毁。提格雷防卫军还开始在提格雷农村地区加强阵地，标志着从山区对埃塞俄比亚盟军发动游击战的开始。
2.2.2 厄立特里亚占领东北部 ｜ Eritrean occupation of the northeast
图片题注：Destroyed IFV in Axum, Tigray Region; June 2021 参考译文：提格雷地区阿克苏姆被摧毁的步兵战车； 2021 年 6 月
图片来源：Voice of America; Heather Murdock; Camera: Yan Boechat – 点击这里访问原图链接 此图片属于公共领域
On 28 and 29 November, witnesses and survivors, including refugees in Sudan, reported that the Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF) carried out the Axum massacre of about 720 to 800 civilians.[74][161][162][163] The Eritrean government stated that it was angered by Amnesty International‘s report on the massacre, calling it “transparently unprofessional” and “politically motivated” and accusing Amnesty of fabricating evidence.[164] However, refugees also spoke of the EDF killing 80–150 people in Idaga Hamus on 30 November, as part of a larger series of extrajudicial killings known as the Adigrat massacres.[165] 【参考译文】11 月 28 日至 29 日，包括苏丹难民在内的目击者和幸存者报告称，厄立特里亚国防军 (EDF) 对大约 720 至 800 名平民进行了阿克苏姆大屠杀。[74][161][162][163] 厄立特里亚政府表示，它对国际特赦组织关于大屠杀的报告感到愤怒，称其“明显不专业”和“出于政治动机”，并指责国际特赦组织捏造证据。 [164] 然而，难民们还谈到，11 月 30 日，法国国防军在伊达加哈穆斯杀害了 80-150 人，这是被称为“阿迪格拉特大屠杀”的一系列法外处决的一部分。 [165]
A witness told Al Jazeera that, on 4 December, Eritrean troops entered her town in southeastern Tigray and attempted to rape her; this statement is corroborated by other survivors and witnesses, who spoke of rampant sexual violence, massacres and destruction of civilian infrastructure committed by the EDF.[166] In February 2021, the UN chief coordinator of humanitarian efforts Mark Lowcock said that up to 40% of Tigray was not controlled by Ethiopian troops. Aside from Tigrayan rebel forces, he said that much of that area was under the control of the EDF, pursuing their own objectives independent of Ethiopian command.[167] By early March, residents said that the number of Eritrean soldiers in Tigray was in the thousands.[166] 【参考译文】一名目击者告诉半岛电视台，12月4日，厄立特里亚军队进入她所在的提格雷东南部城镇，并试图强奸她。这一说法得到了其他幸存者和目击者的证实，他们谈到了EDF犯下的猖獗性暴力、屠杀和破坏平民基础设施的行为。[166] 2021年2月，联合国人道主义援助协调员马克·洛科克表示，提格雷有多达40%的地区不受埃塞俄比亚军队控制。他说，除了提格雷叛军外，该地区的大部分地区都在EDF的控制下，追求独立于埃塞俄比亚指挥的目标。[167] 到3月初，居民们表示，提格雷的厄立特里亚士兵人数已达数千人。[166]
2.2.3 持续的叛乱 ｜ Continued insurgency
图片题注：The Tigray insurgency, 28 November 2020 – 18 June 2021 参考译文：提格雷叛乱，2020年11月28日至2021年6月18日
By mid-December, fighting had reached Hagere Selam, Samre, Dogu’a, Kolla Tembien, May Tsemre and localities around Maychew.[168] During this time, a violently enforced curfew was set up by Ethiopian forces along with Eritrean soldiers.[168] According to the Europe External Programme with Africa (EEPA), in Wukro over 200 people were killed and the town was left deserted. The Ethiopian government denied involvement in the killing.[168] 【参考译文】到了12月中旬，战火已经蔓延到Hagere Selam、Samre、Dogu’a、Kolla Tembien、May Tsemre以及Maychew周边地区。在此期间，埃塞俄比亚军队和厄立特里亚士兵强行实施了宵禁。根据欧洲与非洲外部项目（EEPA）的数据，在Wukro已有超过200人丧生，该镇已荒废无人。埃塞俄比亚政府否认参与杀戮事件。
On 9 January 2021, Ethiopian TV reported that 300 refugees in Hitsats camp were executed by the TPLF.[80] According to refugees, pro-TPLF forces used Hitsats as a base for several weeks in November 2020, killing several refugees who wanted to leave the camp to get food and, in one incident, killed nine young Eritrean men in revenge for having lost a battle against the EDF.[169] On 18 February, unidentified militiamen ambushed a passenger bus in Adi Mesino, killing six and injuring 10.[170] 【参考译文】2021年1月9日，埃塞俄比亚电视台报道称，Hitsats营地的300名难民被TPLF处决。[80]据难民称，亲TPLF部队在2020年11月将Hitsats作为基地驻扎了数周，杀害了几名试图离开营地寻找食物的难民，并在一次事件中杀害了九名年轻的厄立特里亚男子，以报复他们在与EDF的战斗中失利。[169] 2月18日，身份不明的民兵在Adi Mesino伏击了一辆客车，造成六人死亡，十人受伤。[170]
Ultimately, the early gains made by the ENDF and EDF against Tigrayan forces did not lead to a decisive defeat of the re-organized and invigorated TDF.[171] In late January, the TDF had rallied and were intensifying their insurgency against Ethiopian forces despite the initial setbacks and heavy losses.[158] During this time fighting was reported to have taken place around Mekelle, and the ENDF had retreated from rural positions towards the city.[172] Several of these clashes took place in mid-February at Samre, a small town 45 km (28 mi) south-west of Mekelle. Thousands of Ethiopian troops supported by artillery, tanks, and airstrikes fought dug-in forces loyal to the Tigray regional government.[158] 【参考译文】最终，虽然ENDF和EDF在对抗提格雷武装力量方面取得了早期的胜利，但这并没有最终，虽然ENDF和EDF在对抗提格雷武装力量方面取得了早期的胜利，但这并没有导致经过重组和壮大的提格雷人民解放阵线（TPLF）的决定性失败。[171] 在1月下旬，尽管遭受了初期的挫折和重大损失，但TPLF已经重整旗鼓，加强了对埃塞俄比亚军队的叛乱活动。[158] 据报道，在此期间，梅凯尔勒周边发生了战斗，ENDF从农村阵地撤退至该市。[172] 其中一些冲突发生在2月中旬的Samre，这是距离梅凯尔勒西南45公里（28英里）的一个小城镇。数千名埃塞俄比亚军队在炮兵、坦克和空袭的支持下，与忠于提格雷地区政府的地下武装进行了战斗。[158]
According to a report by Ghent University, massacres of civilians continued into March, including around 250 in Humera over the course of three days by unconfirmed perpetrators, and 13 in Grizana by the EDF.[173] That same month, an undated video surfaced that purported to show Ethiopian troops executing 11 unarmed men before throwing their bodies off a cliff near Mahibere Dego.[174] 【参考译文】根特大学的一项报告指出，针对平民的屠杀行动持续到3月份，其中包括身份不明的根特大学的一项报告指出，针对平民的屠杀行动持续到3月份，其中包括身份不明的肇事者在胡梅拉地区连续三天对约250名平民的屠杀，以及EDF在格里扎纳地区对13人的屠杀。[173]同月，一段未标明日期的视频浮出水面，据称显示埃塞俄比亚军队在马赫贝雷德戈附近的悬崖上处决了11名手无寸铁的男子，然后将他们的尸体扔下悬崖。[174]
2.2.4 提格雷防卫军收复领土 ｜ TDF regains territory
图片题注：Estimated territorial control on 23 April 2021 参考译文：估测领土控制日期为 2021 年 4 月 23 日
Fighting intensified in early April;[158] by this point, the TDF was in control of the rural areas of central and southern Tigray along with parts of eastern and south-eastern Tigray, while the ENDF was in control of the main roads and urban areas. Amhara and Eritrean forces also controlled parts of Tigray in the west and north, respectively. All sides wished to secure a military victory, but they lacked the ability to do so in the near term, and so they began to prepare for a prolonged conflict.[160] 【参考译文】4月初，战况加剧。此时，提格雷人民保卫军（TPDF）控制了提格雷中部和南部的农村地区，以及部分东部和东南部地区，而埃塞俄比亚国防军（ENDF）则控制了主要道路和城市地区。阿姆哈拉和厄立特里亚军队分别在西部和北部控制了提格雷部分地区。各方都希望取得军事胜利，但在短期内无法实现，因此开始为持久冲突做准备。
The Tigray Defense Forces were engaged in a war of attrition with popular support from the people of Tigray, who were infuriated by war crimes committed by Eritrean and Ethiopian soldiers and worried about a potential decrease in the region’s autonomy.[175][54] This resulted in the TDF growing in strength and the concept of secession from Ethiopia gaining popularity in Tigray, a stance which was considered likely to inflame Amhara-Tigray territorial disputes.[160] 【参考译文】提格雷人民保卫军与提格雷民众的支持密切相关，民众对厄立特里亚和埃塞俄比亚士兵犯下的战争罪行感到愤怒，并担心该地区自治权可能减少。这导致提格雷人民保卫军不断壮大，提格雷脱离埃塞俄比亚独立的观念日益盛行。这一立场可能会加剧阿姆哈拉-提格雷之间的领土争端。
On 6 May, Ethiopia’s House of Peoples’ Representatives declared the TPLF as a terrorist organization.[176] On 21 May, Ethiopia’s military prosecutors convicted 3 soldiers of rape, and pressed charges against more than 50 others suspected of killing or raping civilians in Tigray.[177] 【参考译文】5月6日，埃塞俄比亚人民代表院宣布提格雷人民解放阵线为恐怖组织。[176]5月21日，埃塞俄比亚军事检察官判定3名士兵犯有强奸罪，并对涉嫌在提格雷杀害或强奸平民的50多名其他人员提出指控。
2.3 提格雷反击战(2021年6月至11月) ｜ Tigrayan counter-offensive (June – November 2021)
图片题注：Abandoned school in Addilal, Dogu’a Tembien; partially destroyed from a bombing by the Ethiopian Air Force in June 2021. 参考译文：Dogu’a Tembien Addilal 的废弃学校； 六月，埃塞俄比亚空军的轰炸造成部分毁坏
On 22 June 2021, an Ethiopian military cargo plane was shot down over Samre, marking a turn of the war in the TDF’s favor.[178] On 28 June 2021, the Tigray Defense Forces retook the city of Mekelle. People celebrated in the streets of Mekelle as the TDF took the city.[179][180] Ethiopian soldiers, police and administrators were seen leaving, ahead of the occupation by the TDF. Shortly after hearing news of the TDF advance, the Ethiopian government declared an immediate unilateral ceasefire across the Tigray Region.[181]BBC News reporter Vivienne Nunis characterised the ceasefire as an attempt by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to save face, the government having little other option.[182] 【参考译文】2021 年 6 月 22 日，一架埃塞俄比亚军用货机在萨姆雷上空被击落，标志着战争局势向有利于 TDF 的方向发展。 [178] 2021 年 6 月 28 日，提格雷国防军夺回默克莱市。 当 TDF 占领这座城市时，人们在 Mekelle 的街道上庆祝。[179][180] 人们看到埃塞俄比亚士兵、警察和行政人员在 TDF 占领之前离开。 在听到 TDF 推进的消息后不久，埃塞俄比亚政府宣布立即在提格雷地区单方面停火。 [181] BBC 新闻记者 Vivienne Nunis 将停火描述为总理阿比·艾哈迈德试图挽回面子，政府别无选择。 [182]
On 29 June, Tigrayan forces vowed to continue their offensive and drive into Eritrea or the Amhara Region if necessary, and said that Mekelle was 100% under the control of Tigrayan forces.[183] On 30 June 2021, the TDF had entered the town of Shire, some 140 kilometres (87 mi) northwest of Mekelle, after it had been abandoned by Eritrean troops. The International Crisis Group claimed that the TDF now controlled most of the Tigray region.[182] The Ethiopian government claimed, on 30 June, that it could re-enter Mekelle in less than three weeks if it wanted to. In the same announcement, the Ethiopian government stated that all Eritrean forces had withdrawn from the region, though this was not confirmed by the Eritrean government.[184] 【参考译文】6月29日，提格雷亚军队誓言将继续进攻，必要时将进军厄立特里亚或阿姆哈拉地区，并表示梅克莱100%处于提格雷亚军队的控制之下。 [183] 2021 年 6 月 30 日，TDF 进入了被厄立特里亚军队放弃的夏尔镇，该镇位于默克莱西北约 140 公里（87 英里）处。 国际危机组织声称 TDF 现在控制了提格雷地区的大部分地区。[182] 6月30日，埃塞俄比亚政府声称，如果愿意，可以在不到三周的时间内重新进入默克莱。 在同一份公告中，埃塞俄比亚政府表示，所有厄立特里亚军队已撤出该地区，但厄立特里亚政府并未证实这一点。 [184]
2.3.2 提格雷人进军阿法尔和阿姆哈拉 ｜ Tigrayan push in Afar and Amhara
图片题注：A map showing the TDF’s Gondar-Bahir Dar offensive, 6 July – 20 August 2021. 参考译文：显示 2021 年 7 月 6 日至 8 月 20 日 TDF 贡德尔-巴赫达尔攻势的地图。
On 6 July 2021, the Tigrayan government mobilised to retake western Tigray from Amhara forces.[185] A TDF offensive starting on 12 July resulted in Tigrayan forces capturing southern Tigray, including the towns of Alamata and Korem.[186] The TDF subsequently crossed the Tekezé River and advanced westward, capturing the town of Mai Tsebri in the Tselemti district, and prompting Amhara officials to call on its militias to arm themselves and mobilise.[187] Following the TDF’s rapid advances, Abiy threatened to resume war with Tigray and crush the rebels, raising fears of genocide.[188] He called on other regions of Ethiopia to mobilise their special forces. The Oromia, Sidama, and SNNPR regions answered the call and mobilised.[189] 【参考译文】2021年7月6日，提格雷政府动员收复西部提格雷地区，以对抗阿姆哈拉军队。[185] 蒂格雷人民保卫阵线（TPDF）于7月12日开始进攻，成功占领了南部提格雷地区，包括阿拉马塔和科雷姆等城镇。[186] 随后，TPDF越过Tekezé河向西推进，攻占了Tselemti地区的Mai Tsebri镇，促使阿姆哈拉官员呼吁其民兵武装起来并动员起来。[187] 在TPDF迅速推进之后，阿比威胁要恢复与提格雷的战争并镇压叛军，引发了种族灭绝的担忧。[188] 他呼吁埃塞俄比亚其他地区动员特种部队。奥罗米亚、锡达马和南方各族州区响应号召并动员起来。[189]
From 17 to 19 July, the TDF began launching attacks in the Afar Region to its east, prompting the Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambela, Harari and Somali regions to join the war.[2] Heavy fighting in western Afar displaced over 54,000 people, and resulted in the TDF reportedly capturing three districts in the region.[190] 【参考译文】7月17日至19日，提格雷防卫军开始在东部的阿法尔州发动袭击，促使Benishangul-Gumuz、Gambela、Harari和Somali（埃塞俄比亚的索马里州）等地区加入战争。[2]在阿法尔西部的激烈战斗导致54000多人流离失所，据报道，提格雷防卫军占领了该地区的三个县。[190]
While the Tigray government claimed it only entered Afar to target federal forces, experts believe their aim was to sever a portion of National Highway A1, a vital trade route for landlocked Ethiopia, linking the capital of Addis Ababa to the Port of Djibouti, from which most of its petroleum products are imported.[191][192] Following the TDF’s counter-attack on two districts of his region, the Amhara regional President, Agegnehu Teshager, called for the total mobilisation of all people of all ages who are armed in the region to fight against the Tigrayans. A similar call was made in Afar.[3] Meanwhile, the city of Weldiya was captured by the TDF on 12 August 2021.[193] 【参考译文】虽然提格雷政府声称他们进入阿法尔只是为了打击联邦政府军队，但专家们虽然提格雷政府声称他们进入阿法尔只是为了打击联邦政府军队，但专家们认为他们的目标是切断A1国道的一部分，这是埃塞俄比亚内陆地区的重要贸易路线，连接首都亚的斯亚贝巴和吉布提港，该国大部分石油产品都从那里进口。[191][192]在TDF对其地区的两个地区进行反击后，阿姆哈拉州州长阿格涅胡·特沙加尔呼吁动员该州所有年龄层的武装人员与提格雷人作战。阿法尔也发出了类似的呼吁。[3]与此同时，韦尔迪亚市于2021年8月12日被TDF攻占。[193]
On 4 August 2021, some Agew people declared themselves independent from the Amhara Region and formed the Agew Liberation Front (ALF).[194] The next day, Lalibela was reported to have been seized by Tigrayan forces.[195][196] On 9 August, UNICEF executive director Henrietta Fore expressed concern about reports that over 200 people, including 100 children, had been killed in attacks on displaced families sheltering at a health facility and a school in the Afar Region.[197] On 11 August, the TDF and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) announced an alliance to overthrow Abiy Ahmed’s government, saying they were also in talks with other rebel groups to establish a “grand coalition”.[198] With the TDF advancing deeper into Amhara, various cities across the region began enforcing curfews.[199] 【参考译文】2021年8月4日，一些阿格维人宣布脱离阿姆哈拉州，成立阿格维解放阵线（ALF）。[194] 第二天，据报道拉利贝拉被提格雷军队占领。[195][196] 8月9日，联合国儿童基金会执行主任亨利埃塔·福尔对有关袭击流离失所者在阿法尔州一处医疗设施和学校避难的报告表示关切，报道称已有超过200人，包括100名儿童在这些袭击中丧生。[197] 8月11日，提格雷人民解放阵线（TPLF）和奥罗莫解放军（OLA）宣布结盟，推翻阿比·艾哈迈德政府，并表示他们还在与其他 rebel groups 进行谈判，以建立“大联盟”。[198]随着提格雷人民解放阵线深入阿姆哈拉州，该州各地的城市开始实施宵禁。[199]
On 9 September 2021, the Ethiopian government claimed Tigrayan forces had been “routed” and heavily defeated in the Afar Region. TPLF spokesperson Getachew Reda said its forces had seen no fighting in Afar and had redeployed to the adjoining Amhara Region.[200] On 30 September, amid UN concerns about a blockade of aid deliveries to Tigray, the Ethiopian government expelled 7 top UN officials, reportedly because of “meddling” in its internal affairs, giving the officials 72 hours to leave the country.[201][202] 【参考译文】2021 年 9 月 9 日，埃塞俄比亚政府声称提格雷亚军队在阿法尔地区被“击溃”并惨败。 TPLF 发言人 Getachew Reda 表示，其部队在阿法尔没有发生战斗，并已重新部署到毗邻的阿姆哈拉地区。[200] 9 月 30 日，由于联合国担心提格雷援助物资运送受阻，埃塞俄比亚政府驱逐了 7 名联合国高级官员，据称是因为“干涉”其内政，并给予这些官员 72 小时的时间离开该国。 [201][ 202]
2.3.3 2021 年 10 月政府联军攻势 ｜ October 2021 government-allied offensive
图片题注：Conflict incidents reported between November 2020 and December 2021 参考译文：2020 年 11 月至 2021 年 12 月期间报告的冲突事件
图片来源：Sofie Annys, Tim Vanden Bempt, Emnet Negash, Lars De Sloover, Robin Ghekiere, Kiara 转载图片需要为图片作者署名
On 8 October 2021, Getachew said that an intensive air campaign by the Ethiopian Air Force began against TDF positions in the North Wolloand North Gondar zones of the Amhara Region, mostly around the towns of Wegeltena, Wurgessa and Haro.[203] He also stated there was a “massive build up of forces on all fronts.”[203] The federal government and Amhara regional government did not respond to the claim.[203] On 11 October, Ethiopian-allied forces launched coordinated ground attacks “on all fronts” against the TDF with combined arms including tanks, helicopters, heavy artillery, warplanes, and drones according to the Tigrayan government.[204][205] General Tsadkan Gebretensae, member of the central command of the TDF said both sides had been preparing for the offensive for months, and predicted that battle would be “decisive”.[159] 【参考译文】2021年10月8日，Getachew表示，埃塞俄比亚空军2021年10月8日，Getachew表示，埃塞俄比亚空军开始对阿姆哈拉地区的北沃尔洛和北贡德尔地带的过渡政府阵地进行密集的空中打击，主要集中在韦格特纳、乌尔格萨和哈罗等城镇周围。[203]他还表示，“所有前线都集结了大量军队。”[203]联邦政府和阿姆哈拉地区政府没有回应这一说法。[203]据提格雷政府称，10月11日，埃塞俄比亚盟友的军队在“所有前线”对过渡政府发动了协调的地面攻击，使用了坦克、直升机、重炮、战机和无人机等联合武器。[204][205]过渡国防部队中央指挥部成员General Tsadkan Gebretensae表示，双方已为这次进攻准备了数月，并预测战斗将是“决定性的”。[159]
The new offensive effectively ended the unilateral ceasefire declared by the federal government in June[206] and further deepened fears of the developing famine in Tigray, with a federal government blockade still preventing most aid from arriving.[159] Meanwhile, the continued war prompted regional leaders, including Kenyan President Kenyatta, to voice their concerns and urge peace, while US Secretary of State Blinken met with the AU envoy to Ethiopia, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, to discuss the crisis.[159] 【参考译文】新的攻势有效地结束了联邦政府在6月宣布的单方面停火，并进一步加深了对蒂格雷正在发展的饥荒的担忧。由于联邦政府的封锁，大部分援助仍然无法抵达。与此同时，持续的战争促使包括肯尼亚总统肯雅塔在内的地区领导人表达他们的关切并敦促和平，而美国国务卿布林肯会见了非盟驻埃塞俄比亚特使、尼日利亚前总统奥巴桑乔，以讨论这场危机。
On 13 October, Getachew claimed fighting continued intensifying with “staggering” casualties. He also claimed clashes were taking place near Weldiya and that fighting had resumed in Afar, within the Awra and Chifradistricts near the Amhara border.[207][208] A humanitarian worker citing witnesses said the EDF were fighting the TDF in Berhale, a town in Afar 71 kilometres (44 mi) northeast of Mekelle.[208] 【参考译文】10月13日，Getachew声称战斗继续加剧，伤亡人数“惊人”。他还声称冲突发生在Weldiya附近，并且在阿法尔的Awra和Chifradistricts靠近Amhara边境的地区恢复了战斗。[207][208]一名人道主义工作者引用目击者的话称，EDF正在Berhale与TDF作战，这是位于Mekelle东北71公里（44英里）的阿法尔镇。[208]
On 30 October, it was reported that Dessie had fallen to the TDF. However, control over the city was not immediately certain, with the federal government denying its capture and reports of fierce fighting coming from the town.[209] On 31 October, the TDF claimed to have captured Kombolcha, a town 21 km (13 mi) east of Dessie, and the Ethiopian government accused the TDF of massacring over 100 youths in the town.[210] On the same day, the Amhara regional government declared a state of emergency, which included a region-wide curfew.[211] 【参考译文】10月30日，据报道，代西已经落入了提格雷人民解放阵线（TPLF）之手。然而，该市的控制权并不确定，联邦政府否认占领该市，并有报道称该市发生了激烈的战斗。[209] 10月31日，提格雷人民解放阵线声称已占领了距离代西北方向21公里（13英里）的Kombolcha镇，而埃塞俄比亚政府指责提格雷人民解放阵线在该镇屠杀了100多名年轻人。[210] 同一天，阿姆哈拉地区政府宣布进入紧急状态，包括实施全区宵禁。[211]
South of Kombolcha, the OLA claimed to have seized control over Kemise on the A2 Highway which links Mekelle to the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa,[62] and later declared they were considering an offensive towards the capital.[63] The TDF claimed they also linked up with the OLA.[212] Meanwhile, it was reported that a new roundup of ethnic Tigrayans had occurred in Addis Ababa.[212] 【参考译文】在科博勒沙以南，奥罗莫解放军声称已控制了连接Mekelle和埃塞俄比亚首都亚的斯亚贝巴的A2高速公路上的Kemise，[62]并随后宣布他们正在考虑向首都发动进攻。[63]与此同时，有报道称，在亚的斯亚贝巴发生了新一轮针对提格雷人的围捕行动。[212]
2.3.4.2 紧急状态和反叛联盟 ｜ State of emergency and rebel coalition
On 2 November 2021, as the counter-offensive came deeper into federal-controlled territory, the Ethiopian government declared a six-month state of emergency, which envisages the possibility to arrest and detain critics of the government without a court warrant, impose curfews, institute censorship, restrict freedom of movement as well as to call any adult person to fight in the war, for fear of serving from three to ten years in prison.[213][214] Authorities in Addis Ababa also told residents to register their weapons in order to fend off the anticipated offensive. Four other regional governments also made a call to arms.[215][63] On 5 November, the TPLF, OLA and other rebel groups declared the creation of a nine-group coalition, called the United Front of Ethiopian Federalist and Confederalist Forces.[216]
On 22 November, Prime Minister Abiy stated that he will be leading the fight against the rebels from the battlefront after the TDF claimed to have captured Shewa Robit,[217][218] saying; “We are now in the final stages of saving Ethiopia.”[219] Many countries also urged citizens to leave the country.[219]
图片题注：Map showing the ENDF’s National Unity offensive, November 26 – December 23, 2021. All credit goes to Ethiopia Map’s (https://twitter.com/MapEthiopia) work.
From 26 November to 6 December 2021, Ethiopian allied forces recaptured several towns in the Amhara and Afar regions including Lalibela and Shewa Robit, according to the Ethiopian government.[220][221][222][223] On 6 December, government forces claimed to have recaptured the strategic cities of Dessie and Kombolcha.[224] This was later confirmed by TPLF spokesman Getachew Reda; however, he claimed this was a strategic withdrawal, which was “part of their plan”.[225] On 12 December, Reuters reported that forces loyal to the TPLF had recaptured the town of Lalibela less than two weeks after government forces and their allies had recaptured control of the town for themselves.[226] Nevertheless, by the end of the month, the federal government had successfully repelled the incursion towardsAddis Ababa,[227][228] and Tigrayan forces were pushed back to Tigray.[229]
On 20 December 2021, the TPLF announced they had withdrawn their troops from Amhara and Afar, saying they were hoping to create, as stated by TPLF chairman Debretsion Gebremichael, “a decisive opening for peace”. Debretsion also requested the establishment of a no-fly zone over Tigray, as well as a weapons embargo against Ethiopia and Eritrea.[230][231] Following these developments, the ENDF stated that it would not advance any deeper into the Tigray region.[232] However, in January 2022, the Ethiopian Air Force began launching a bombing campaign in the Tigray Region, killing 108 people, including at least 56 from an airstrike targeting an IDP camp in Dedebit.[233][234]
On 7 January – the same day as the Dedebit airstrike – Ethiopia released a number of opposition leaders from prison, including some from the TPLF, and said they desired to have a dialogue with the Tigrayan leadership.[235] On 26 January, the Ethiopian council of ministers also proposed to end the state of emergency.[236]
On 24 March 2022, the Ethiopian government declared an indefinite humanitarian truce, in order to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid into Tigray.[65] During the ceasefire, both Ethiopia and the TPLF agreed to have talks about an official end to the war. A number of outstanding issues – in particular, the presence of pro-government troops in Tigray’s Western Zone and restoring access to basic public service to Tigray – were topics of discussion throughout.[237][238] Though there were initial hopes of finding a peaceful solution to ending the war, the talks soon became characterized by steadily increasing hostilities between the negotiation parties.[239] By August, talks started to break down, with both the Ethiopian government and the TPLF accusing each other of refusing to make peace.[240][241] Resurgence of fighting (August – November 2022)
2.6 战斗重新爆发（2022年8月至11月）| Resurgence of fighting (August – November 2022)
图片题注：Playground in Mekelle destroyed by an airstrike (26 August 2022)
参考译文：默克莱的操场被空袭摧毁(2022年8月26日)
图片来源：Mulugeta Atsbeha 此图片属于公共领域
In late August 2022, after months of ceasefire, fighting resumed. Both sides blamed each other for initiating the fighting, and both also expressed frustration “for a lack of progress towards negotiations to end the 21-month conflict.”[66] The fighting itself concentrated in the border area connecting Tigray, Amhara and Afar. Allegations emerged that the Tigray were smuggling in weapons, leading to the Ethiopian Air Force shooting down a plane, claiming it was carrying weapons for the TPLF; meanwhile, the government was accused of indiscriminate air bombardments on civilian targets.[242] Civilians reported that pro-government militias, such as Fano, had gotten involved as well.[243] Exacerbating tensions were severe food shortages, an issue that remained unsolved have particularly affected the Tigray region.[244][243][245]
图片题注：Map showing the Ethiopian-allied forces’ Tigray offensive, September 1 – November 3, 2022. All credit goes to Ethiopia Map’s (https://twitter.com/MapEthiopia) work.
On 27 August, the TDF captured the town of Kobo, following the ENDF’s withdrawal.[246] Ethiopia and Eritrea subsequently announced an offensive in North Tigray on 1 September.[247] On 13 September 2022, the TPLF said Eritrea had taken Sheraro.[248] The town’s capture by Eritrea and the fighting in nearby areas displaced around 210,000 people, most of whom fled to the city of Shire.[249] A day later Ethiopian airstrikes on Mekelle killed at least ten people.[250] By mid-September, reports emerged of Eritrea engaging in mass mobilization of the country’s reservists to be sent to Tigray.[251]
图片题注：A drone attack on the Adi Haqi campus of Mekelle University on Tuesday caused minor injuries to a father working at the university and damage to people and property at the VOA news station, a VOA correspondent reported.
On 20 September, the government of Tigray said Eritrea had invaded the region, and that heavy fighting was taking place across northern Tigray.[252][253][254] The TDF had, thus far, largely resisted the offensive, and reportedly launched a counterattack to retake Sheraro. Meanwhile, Ethiopian and Eritrean forces began massing in Abala and Berhale in the Afar Region, within striking distance of Mekelle.[255] On 27 September, an airstrike – allegedly carried out by Eritrea – struck the northern town of Adi Dairo while it was celebrating Meskel, killing at least six civilians and injured 19 more.[256] On 2 October, the TPLF announced it had withdrawn troops from Amhara’s North Wollo Zone, including Kobo, to be redeployed north to reinforce lines under heavy Eritrean attack but warned it would return if their southern border is threatened.[257] Three days later, a second airstrike hit Adi Dairo, killing between 50 and 65 people according to aid workers in the town.[258]
On 10 October, the TPLF claimed that Eritrea was escalating its offensive, sending more forces towards Rama, Tserona, and Zalambessa in the far north, with one aid worker saying it is the heaviest fighting since hostilities resumed.[259] Later reports confirmed that Eritrea was intensifying its efforts to mobilize more troops for the war; it detained “elderly mothers and fathers”, and sought draft-dodgers.[260] Tigray mobilized its citizens too, calling on every able-bodied person to join the fight.[261] Amidst the three-front offensive launched by Ethiopia and Eritrea, estimates put the number of Ethiopian casualties at over 90,000 in a single month, while Tigrayan casualties were also deemed incredibly high.[262] According to peace and conflict studies researcher Kjetil Tronvoll, it is likely that 100,000 people had been killed over the preceding few weeks, and alleged that Eritrea and Ethiopia were using human wave attacks to overwhelm Tigrayan defenses.[263] 【参考译文】10月10日，提格雷人民解放阵线（TPLF）声称，厄立特里亚正在升级其攻势，向北部的拉马、采罗纳和扎兰贝萨派遣更多军队。一名援助工人表示，这是敌对行动恢复以来最激烈的战斗。[259] 随后的报道证实，厄立特里亚正在加大动员更多军队参战的力度；它拘留了“年迈的父母”，并寻找逃避兵役者。[260] 蒂格雷也动员了其公民，呼吁每个体格健全的人加入战斗。[261] 在埃塞俄比亚和厄立特里亚发起的三面攻势中，估计单月内埃塞俄比亚的伤亡人数超过9万人，而蒂格雷的伤亡人数也被认为是非常高的。[262] 根据和平与冲突研究专家Kjetil Tronvoll的说法，过去几周可能有10万人被杀，并指控厄立特里亚和埃塞俄比亚正在使用人海战术来压倒蒂格雷的防御。[263]
On 17 October, Ethiopia said that it would seize every airport and other key infrastructure in the region;[264] that same day, the strategic city of Shire was taken by Eritrea and Ethiopia, leading to the evacuation of thousands of its inhabitants.[265][266] Ethiopian forces then took Alamata and Korem in the south.[267] By 22 October, ENDF and EDF-allied forces had also captured Adwa and Axum, even as peace talks with the TPLF were about to commence in South Africa.[268][269][270] Witnesses from a number of towns told the Associated Press that Eritrean forces were regularly killing civilians between 23 and 29 October.[271] 【参考译文】10月17日，埃塞俄比亚表示将占领该地区的每个机场和其他关键基础设施；[264]同一天，战略城市Shire被厄立特里亚和埃塞俄比亚占领，导致数千居民撤离。[265][266]随后，埃塞俄比亚军队占领了南部的Alamata和Korem。[267]截至10月22日，ENDF和EDF联盟部队还占领了Adwa和Axum，尽管与TPLF的和平谈判即将在南非开始。[268][269][270]来自多个城镇的目击者告诉美联社，10月23日至29日期间，厄立特里亚军队经常杀害平民。[271]
2.7 第二次停火（2022年11月）| Second ceasefire (November 2022)
On 25 October 2022, AU Commission Chairperson, Moussa Faki, announced that peace talks involving the Ethiopian government and the TPLF had commenced in Pretoria, South Africa.[110][272] Hopes that these talks could definitively stop the war, however, remained low, as fighting did not appear to slow down, and Ethiopia vocalized their distrust about the peace process.[111][273] Still, negotiations continued onward, and on 2 November, Ethiopia and the TPLF announced that they had signed an agreement for a cessation of hostilities (made effective the next day on 3 November, marking the two-year anniversary of the war);[51] however, Eritrea and other warring parties were not involved in the agreement, leaving their status ambiguous.[67] On 12 November, both parties signed a deal to allow humanitarian aid into Tigray.[274] By 29 December, federal police were reported to have returned to Tigray,[275] while flights and internet access had also been restored.[276] 【参考译文】2022年10月25日，非洲联盟委员会主席穆萨·法基宣布，埃塞俄比亚政府和提格雷人民解放阵线在南非比勒陀利亚举行的和平谈判已经开始。[110][272] 然而，由于战斗并未放缓，且埃塞俄比亚对和平进程表示不信任，人们对这些谈判能够最终停止战争的希望仍然很低。[111][273] 尽管如此，谈判仍在继续进行。11月2日，埃塞俄比亚和提格雷人民解放阵线宣布已签署一项停火协议（于次日11月3日生效，标志着战争进入第二个年头）；[51] 然而，厄立特里亚和其他交战方并未参与该协议，因此他们的地位仍不明确。[67] 11月12日，双方签署了一项允许向蒂格雷提供人道主义援助的协议。[274] 截至12月29日，据报道联邦警察已经返回蒂格雷，[275] 同时航班和互联网接入也已恢复。[276]
Despite important steps towards peace and deescalation being made between the government and the TPLF, Amhara and Eritrean forces continued to launch attacks on Tigrayans in the months after the agreement was signed.[277][278][279] 【参考译文】尽管政府和提格雷人民解放阵线之间为和平与缓和局势采取了重要步骤，但在协议签署后的几个月里，阿姆哈拉和厄立特里亚军队继续对蒂格雷人发动袭击。[277][278][279]
The intensity of the war led to spillover effects on the surrounding countries in the region, particularly in Sudan.[280][281] 【参考译文】战争的激烈程度对该地区的周边国家，特别是苏丹产生了外溢效应。[280][281]
By the end of November 2020, around 44,000 people fled to Sudan. On 15 December 2020, four Sudanese soldiers were killed, and 27 others were injured near the Ethiopia–Sudan border,[282] in what Sudan claimed to be an ambush by Ethiopian forces and Amhara militias. Ethiopia claimed they were trying to stop a Sudanese militia from seizing farmlands on Ethiopian territory. In response to the killings, Sudan started to build up its military along the border with Ethiopia.[283][284][285] 【参考译文】截至2020年11月底，约有4.4万人逃往苏丹。2020年12月15日，四名苏丹士兵在埃塞俄比亚-苏丹边境附近被杀，另有27人受伤，[282]苏丹声称这是埃塞俄比亚军队和阿姆哈拉民兵的伏击。埃塞俄比亚声称他们试图阻止苏丹民兵占领埃塞俄比亚领土上的农田。作为对杀戮的回应，苏丹开始在与埃塞俄比亚接壤的边境地区加强军事力量。[283][284][285]
In late July 2022, the Islamist militant group al-Shabaab launched a coordinated invasion of Ethiopia from Somalia.[286] Multiple observers, including political analyst Matthew Bryden and CNRS researcher Roland Marchal, have speculated that the political instability caused by the Tigray War, the perceived weakening of the Ethiopian state, and the movement of federal troops away from Somalia and towards Tigray, gave al-Shabaab an “opportune time” to launch an offensive.[287][288][289] 【参考译文】2022年7月下旬，伊斯兰主义武装组织青年党从索马里发起了对埃塞俄比亚的协调入侵。[286]包括政治分析师马修·布莱登和CNRS研究员罗兰·马尔萨尔在内的多位观察人士推测，由提格雷战争引起的政治动荡、埃塞俄比亚国家的被感知削弱以及联邦军队从索马里向提格雷转移，为青年党发动进攻提供了“有利时机”。[287][288][289]
Since the war began, both regional and international powers have been actively involved in the conflict. A number of reports have been made alleging that China, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates were all providing military support for the Ethiopian government via the sale of weaponized drones.[11][290][291][292] As early as December 2020, there were unconfirmed rumors that Emirati drones were being stationed in the Eritrean port city of Assab.[293] The victory of Ethiopian forces over Dessie and Kombolcha in December 2021 was partly attributed to the drones supplied by Ethiopia’s allies.[294][295] In Debretsion Gebremichael‘s order to withdraw all his forces from Tigray borders in December 2021, he mentioned “the drones provided by foreign powers” as a major factor that prompted his decision.[291] 【参考译文】自战争爆发以来，地区和国际大国一直积极参与冲突。有报道称中国、土耳其和阿拉伯联合酋长国都通过出售武器化的无人机为埃塞俄比亚政府提供军事支持。[11][290][291][292]早在2020年12月，就有未经证实的传闻称阿联酋的无人机被部署在厄立特里亚港口城市阿萨布。[293]2021年12月，埃塞俄比亚军队在德西和科博尔查的胜利部分归功于埃塞俄比亚盟友提供的无人机。[294][295]在德布雷齐翁·格布雷米恰尔于2021年12月下令从提格雷边境撤出所有部队时，他提到了“外国势力提供的无人机”是促使他做出这一决定的主要因素。[291]
4.1 索马里涉嫌参与 | Alleged Somali involvement
There have been multiple unconfirmed reports of Somali troops being sent from a secret training base in Eritrea run by the National Intelligence and Security Agency to fight against the newly formed TDF.[157] The first of these reports came in January 2021 from unverified social media accounts.[165] The same month, Somalia’s information minister, Osman Abukar Dubbe, confirmed Somali soldiers were training in Eritrea, but denied any of these troops had been sent to Tigray. According to the Voice of America, several sources with direct knowledge of the program, including three Somali officials and a foreign diplomat, confirmed to them that Somali troops have been training in neighbouring Eritrea.[165] In January 2022, The Globe and Mail reported evidence of Somali troops were involved and they had committed atrocities in Tigray. The report noted that before the war began, Somali forces under the leadership of the Eritrean Army had been stationed in trenches along the border.[296] 【参考译文】有许多未经证实的报道称，索马里军队从厄立特里亚国家情报和安全局管理的一个秘密训练基地被派往与新成立的TDF作战。[157]2021年1月，未经证实的社交媒体账户发布了第一份报告。[165]同月，索马里信息部长奥斯曼·阿布卡尔·杜布证实索马里士兵正在厄立特里亚接受训练，但否认这些士兵中有任何被派往提格雷。据美国之音报道，包括三名索马里官员和一名外国外交官在内的几位直接了解该计划的消息人士向他们证实，索马里军队一直在邻国厄立特里亚进行训练。[165]2022年1月，《环球邮报》报道了索马里军队参与其中的证据，他们在提格雷犯下了暴行。报告指出，在战争开始之前，厄立特里亚军队领导下的索马里部队就驻扎在边境沿线的战壕里。[296]
A small group of parents also protested in Mogadishu about what they said was the government’s mismanagement of the issue. They demanded information on their loved ones who they say they haven’t seen in a year.[165][157] The head of Somalia’s parliamentary committee on foreign affairs asked the Somali president to investigate claims by family members that their sons had gone off to fight in Ethiopia and are now missing.[297] On 19 January 2021, the Somali government denied the claim that Somali troops had trained in Eritrea and then deployed in the Tigray Region of Ethiopia.[298][299] 【参考译文】一小群家长也在摩加迪沙抗议，他们表示政府对此事的管理不善。他们要求提供信息，关于他们说已经一年没见到的亲人。索马里议会外交事务委员会主席要求索马里总统调查家庭成员声称他们的儿子前往埃塞俄比亚参战现在失踪的说法。2021年1月19日，索马里政府否认了索马里军队在厄立特里亚接受训练然后在埃塞俄比亚提格雷地区部署的说法。
Former head of the Somali National Intelligence and Security Agency, Abdilsalan Guld,[300] claimed that Somali troops were sent to Tigray. Guld stated that the soldiers, aged from 20 to 30 years old, were secretly taken from Mogadishu and sent to Asmara for military training. Guld stated that 370 of the Somali troops trained by Eritrea were killed in Tigray, and hundreds of others were wounded.[301][299] 【参考译文】索马里国家情报和安全局前局长阿卜迪萨兰·居尔德声称，索马里军队被派往提格雷。居尔德表示，这些士兵年龄在20至30岁之间，他们从摩加迪沙秘密被送往阿斯马拉接受军事训练。居尔德表示，在提格雷接受厄立特里亚训练的索马里军队中有370人被杀，另有数百人受伤。[301][299]
5. 伤亡和侵犯人权 | Casualties and human rights violations
As of May 2023, the combined impact of wartime violence, famine and a lack of medical access had killed an estimated 162,000-378,000 people,[45][44] with other reported estimates reaching numbers as high as 600,000 killed.[304] All sides in the conflict have been accused of committing war crimes and violating international human rights law,[69][305] with evidence of unlawful killings, torture and sexual violence being widely reported.[306][307][308] 【参考译文】截至2023年5月，战争暴力、饥荒和医疗资源匮乏等因素共同导致约16.2万至37.8万人死亡[45][44]，有报道称死亡人数高达60万人[304]。冲突各方都被指控犯有战争罪并违反国际人权法[69][305]，有关非法杀戮、酷刑和性暴力的证据被广泛报道[306][307][308]。】
5.1 危害人类罪和种族灭绝指控 | Crimes against humanity and genocide allegations
On 4 June 2021, the non-profit Genocide Watch classified the events in Tigray as step 9 of genocide (eradication), as well as step 10 (denial).[320] They issued another emergency alert on 20 November 2021, stating that “both sides are committing genocide”, referring to detentions of thousands of people based on Oromo or Tigrayan ethnic identity, and arguing that “Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s hate speech and calls for war” together with attacks by the ENDF and TPLF put Ethiopia into stages 4 (dehumanization), 6 (polarization), 8 (persecution), and 9 (extermination) of the ten stages of genocide.[321] 【参考译文】2021年6月4日，非营利组织种族灭绝观察将提格雷事件归类为第9步种族灭绝（根除）和第10步（否认）。[320]他们在2021年11月20日发布了另一项紧急声明，称“双方都在实施种族灭绝”，指的是基于奥罗莫或提格雷族裔身份对数千人的拘留，并认为“总理阿比·艾哈迈德的仇恨言论和战争呼吁”以及ENDF和TPLF的攻击使埃塞俄比亚进入种族灭绝的十个阶段中的第4步（去人性化）、第6步（两极分化）、第8步（迫害）和第9步（灭绝）。[321]
Ethnic profiling against Tigrayans occurred during the Tigray War, with Ethiopians of Tigrayan ethnicity being put on indefinite leave from Ethiopian Airlines or refused permission to board,[322] prevented from overseas travel,[323] and an “order of identifying ethnic Tigrayans from all government agencies and NGOs” being used by federal police to request a list of ethnic Tigrayans from an office of the World Food Programme.[324] Tigrayans’ houses were arbitrarily searched and Tigrayans’ bank accounts suspended.[323] During the conflict, many Tigrayans were profiled both professionally and socially, with many fired or called names when out in public as a result of the conflict, such as Tigrayan military members having their weapons confiscated or dismissed from duty.[325] A hotspot for this form of profiling took place in Addis Ababa, including disappearances of major Ethiopian officials and arrests of Tigrayans on the grounds that they supported the TPLF, which was designated as a terrorist organisation in May 2021 by Ethiopian parliament.[326] 【参考译文】在提格雷战争期间，针对提格雷人的种族定性发生了，埃塞俄比亚航空公司的提格雷裔埃塞俄比亚人被无限期停职或拒绝登机，[322]被阻止海外旅行，[323]联邦警察使用“从所有政府机构和非政府组织中识别提格雷人的指令”向世界粮食计划署的办公室请求提格雷人名单。[324]提格雷人的房屋被任意搜查，提格雷人的银行账户被冻结。[323]在冲突期间，许多提格雷人在职业和社会上受到定性，由于冲突，许多人在公共场合被解雇或被称为提格雷军事成员的武器被没收或被解除职务。[25]这种定性的一个热点发生在亚的斯亚贝巴，包括主要的埃塞俄比亚官员失踪和因支持被埃塞俄比亚议会于2021年5月认定为恐怖组织的蒂格雷人民解放阵线而被捕的提格雷人。[326]
Ethnic Tigrayan members of Ethiopian components of United Nations peacekeeping missions were disarmed and some forcibly flown back to Ethiopia, at the risk of torture or execution, according to United Nations officials. The State of Emergency Taskforce stated that the Tigrayan peacekeepers were returned to Ethiopia because of “infiltration of TPLF elements in various entities.”[327][328] On 1 November 2021, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed stated that “we should closely follow those who work for the enemy and live amongst us,” as reports of a new roundup of ethnic Tigrayans came out of Addis Ababa.[212] 【参考译文】联合国维和特派团中的提格雷籍埃塞俄比亚成员被解除武装，有些人被强行飞回埃塞俄比亚，面临酷刑或处决的风险，据联合国官员称。紧急状态特别工作组表示，提格雷维和人员被送回埃塞俄比亚是因为“TPLF分子渗透到各个实体中”。[327][328] 2021年11月1日，总理阿比·艾哈迈德表示，“我们应该密切关注那些为敌人工作并与我们生活在一起的人”，因为有关新一轮提格雷人被捕的报道来自亚的斯亚贝巴。[212]
Wartime rape and sexual violence was also widespread, being perpetrated by virtually all sides.[329][330] There were “deeply distressing reports of sexual and gender-based violence, extrajudicial killings, [and the] widespread destruction and looting of public and private property by all parties” according to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. More than 136 cases of rape were reported in hospitals in Mekelle, Ayder, Adigrat and Wukro in eastern Tigray between December 2020 and January 2021, with indications that there are many more such unreported cases.[331] As of August 2021, there were 512 to 514 rape victims registered with Ethiopian hospitals;[332][333] however, the real number is probably much larger than that and can be as large as 120,000 by some estimations,[334] and many sources believe the sexual violence in Tigray was intentionally committed with the purpose of destroying the morale of the enemy, to genocide and genetically cleanse certain populations, and to spread STIs as a form of biological warfare.[335][329][333][336] 【参考译文】战争期间的强奸和性暴力行为也非常普遍，几乎所有方面都参与了这些行为。[329][330]根据联合国人权事务高级专员的报告，有“关于性暴力和基于性别的暴力、法外处决、以及各方广泛破坏和抢劫公共和私人财产的令人深感痛心的报道”。在2020年12月至2021年1月期间，据报告在提格雷东部的默克莱、阿伊代尔、阿迪格拉特和乌克拉等地的医院中，有超过136起强奸案件，并有迹象表明还有许多类似的未报告案件。[331]截至2021年8月，在埃塞俄比亚医院注册的强奸受害者人数为512至514人；[332][333]然而，实际数字可能比这大得多，一些估计认为可能高达12万人，[334]许多消息来源认为，在提格雷发生的性暴力行为是故意犯下的，目的是摧毁敌人的士气，进行种族灭绝和对某些人口进行基因清洗，并将性病作为生物战的一种形式传播。[335][329][333][336]
Often, soldiers, and militias subjected Tigrayan women and girls, including pregnant women and young girls, to rape, gang rape, sexual slavery, sexual mutilation, and other forms of sexual torture.[337][338] Such sexual violence is often accompanied with other forms of physical and mental abuse, including burning their victims with hot iron or cigarettes, forcing metal rods or nails into their victim’s genitals,[338][329] raping their victim in front of their family members, forcing their victims to rape their family members, calling their victims by derogatory words and ethnic slurs, etc.[339][338] There were also reports that Tigrayan forces had gang-raped dozens of women and underage girls in at least two towns in the Amhara Region,[340] and girls – some as young as 14 – were identified as victims of rape in the towns of Chenna and Kobo in August and September 2021.[341][342][343] 【参考译文】士兵和民兵经常对提格雷亚妇女和女孩，包括孕妇和年轻女孩，实施强奸、轮奸、性奴役、性残割和其他形式的性酷刑。【337】【338】这种性暴力通常伴随着其他形式的身体和精神虐待，包括用热铁或香烟烧伤受害者，将金属棒或钉子插入受害者的生殖器，【338】【329】当着受害者家人的面强奸受害者，强迫受害者强奸他们的家人，用贬义的语言和种族歧视的语言称呼受害者，[339][338]还有报道称，提格雷安部队在阿姆哈拉地区至少两个城镇轮奸了数十名妇女和未成年女孩，[340]2021年8月和9月，在钦纳镇和科博镇，一些女孩(年仅14岁)被确认为强奸受害者。[341][342][343]
After being subjected to sexual violence, many women become infected with STIs like HIV, who face difficulty getting treatment due to a sense of shame, as well as the collapse of medical infrastructure caused by the war.[337] 【参考译文】在遭受性暴力之后，许多妇女感染了艾滋病毒等性传播疾病，由于羞耻感以及战争造成的医疗基础设施崩溃，她们难以获得治疗。[337]
图片题注：Distribution of internally displaced persons in Tigray (August 2021) 参考译文：2021年8月，蒂格雷州境内流离失所者分布情况
图片作者：Sofie Annys, Tim Vanden Bempt, Emnet Negash, Lars De Sloover, Robin Ghekiere, Kiara Haegeman, Daan Temmerman, Jan Nyssen – 点击这里访问原图链接
In February 2021, GOAL Ethiopia, the International Rescue Committee (IRC), MCMDO, MSF-Spain, and World Vision, found that nearly one in seven children in 16 woredas and town administrations across Tigray were acutely malnourished. While in Enderta, Abi Adi and Shire, GOAL and IRC reported that 16.6% of children screened had acute malnutrition with 3.5% suffering from severe acute malnutrition.[347] 【参考译文】2021年2月，埃塞俄比亚目标组织、国际救援委员会( IRC ) 、 MCMDO 、无国界医生西班牙分会和世界宣明会发现，提格雷州16个县和城镇行政区的近七分之一儿童严重营养不良。而在恩代塔、阿比·阿迪和希尔，埃塞俄比亚目标组织和国际救援委员会报告说，接受筛查的儿童中有16.6%患有急性营养不良，3.5%患有严重急性营养不良。 [347]
There was limited access to clean water due to hygiene and sanitation services largely being disrupted across Tigray. The Tigray Regional Water Bureau reported that out of 36 villages it assessed, only 4 had partially functioning water sources. Along with that, an estimated 250 motorized water pumping systems have been out of order, and the status of 11,000 hand pumps in rural areas was unknown. Because of this, there was a heightened risk of outbreaks of waterborne diseases and COVID-19.[347] 【参考译文】由于卫生和环境卫生服务在提格雷大部分地区受到严重破坏，清洁水的供应受到限制。据提格雷地区水务局报告，在其评估的36个村庄中，只有4个村庄的部分水源正常运作。此外，估计有250台机动抽水系统出现故障，农村地区的1.1万台手动泵的状态尚不明确。因此，水传播疾病和COVID-19疫情爆发的风险加剧。[347]
此图片属于公共领域
图片题注：Aid workers providing shelter kits in Tigray, wearing masks to protect themselves from COVID-19. (March 2021)
According to the UN, in March 2021, out of more than 260 health centres in Tigray before the war, only 31 were fully functional, while 7 were partially functional. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), all of the functioning hospitals and health centres in Tigray had a lack of medical supplies, drugs, and equipment. UN partners reported continued looting of health facilities. Only 16% of the health facilities had vaccination services and only 17% had maternal services (antenatal care, birth delivery, etc.).[348] 【参考译文】根据联合国的数据，2021年3月，在战争前的260多个提格雷健康中心中，只有31个完全运作，7个部分运作。据世界卫生组织（WHO）称，提格雷所有运作的医院和卫生中心都缺乏医疗用品、药品和设备。联合国合作伙伴报告说，卫生设施继续遭到洗劫。只有16%的卫生设施提供疫苗接种服务，只有17%提供孕产妇服务（产前护理、分娩等）。[348]
In late October 2022, it was revealed that the Tigray Region was running out of medical supplies, with the CEO of their largest hospital saying it was “doomed to collapse soon”.[349][350] WHO officials stated that childhood vaccination rates had plummeted from 90% (before the war) to under 10%.[351] 【参考译文】2022年10月下旬，有消息称提格雷州正在面临医疗物资短缺的困境，该地区最大医院的首席执行官表示该医院“注定很快会崩溃”。[349][350] 世界卫生组织官员表示，儿童疫苗接种率从战前的90%骤降至不到10%。[351]
图片题注：The percentage of people in need reached with food aid as of 31 May 2021. White=0% and Black=100% 参考译文：截至2021年5月31日，获得粮食援助的有需要的人口百分比。白色=0%和黑色=100%
图片作者：Sofie Annys, Tim Vanden Bempt, Emnet Negash, Lars De Sloover, and Jan Nyssen – 点击这里访问原图链接
By 13 March 2021, the UN and its partners reached about 900,000 people with complete food baskets, and 700,000 people with clean water. Despite the progress made, many are still hard to reach due to ongoing fighting. About 4.5 million people of are still in need of aid and about 1 million of that are not in accessible areas due to ongoing fighting.[348] 【参考译文】截至2021年3月13日，联合国及其合作伙伴已经为约90万人提供了完整的食品篮，为70万人提供了清洁水。尽管取得了进展，但由于持续的战斗，许多人仍然难以到达。大约450万人仍然需要援助，其中约有100万人由于持续的战斗而无法进入可访问区域。[348]
On 31 August 2021, USAID‘s mission director in Ethiopia, Sean Jones said: “We do have proof that several of our warehouses have been looted and completely emptied in the areas, particularly in Amhara, where TPLF soldiers have gone into, I do believe that the TPLF has been very opportunistic,” in a televised interview with state broadcaster EBC in Addis Ababa.[357][358] All parties to the conflict have been accused by USAID of looting aid shipments.[357] 【参考译文】2021年8月31日，美国国际开发署（USAID）在2021年8月31日，美国国际开发署（USAID）在埃塞俄比亚的特派团团长肖恩·琼斯在接受国家广播公司Addis Ababa的电视采访时表示：“我们有证据证明，我们的几个仓库在这些地区被洗劫一空，特别是在阿姆哈拉，TPLF士兵已经进入那里。我相信TPLF非常机会主义。”[357][358] 冲突各方都被美国国际开发署指控抢劫援助物资。[357]
By the summer of 2022, the government blockade of essential services to Tigray was still in place, and the humanitarian situation remained severe, with roughly 13 million people being in need of food aid.[359] According to the World Food Programme, while international aid had technically been allowed into the region during the 2022 ceasefire, in practice, very little aid was reaching the people that needed it most, largely due to fuel not being made available in these area.[360][244] On 25 August (one day after the war resumed), the WFP accused the TPLF of stealing 570,000 liters of fuel meant to transport humanitarian aid.[361][362] On 29 October the same year, UNICEF reported that around 29.7 million people in Ethiopia were in need of humanitarian assistance.[40] 【参考译文】截至2022年夏季，政府对蒂格雷基本服务的封锁仍然存在，人道主义状况仍然严峻，约有1300万人需要粮食援助。[359] 根据世界粮食计划署的数据，尽管国际援助在2022年停火期间理论上被允许进入该地区，但实际上，很少的援助能够到达最需要的人群，主要是因为这些地区无法获得燃料。[360][244] 8月25日（战争恢复后的第二天），世界粮食计划署指责蒂格雷人民解放阵线窃取了用于运输人道主义援助的57万升燃料。[361][362] 同年10月29日，联合国儿童基金会报告称，埃塞俄比亚约有2970万人需要人道主义援助。[40]
6.2 境内流离失所和强迫流离失所 | Internal and forced displacement
图片题注：Tigray displacement camps are often overcrowded with new displaced families arriving regularly, June 11, 2021. (Yan Boechat/VOA) 参考译文：2021年6月11日，提格雷流离失所者营地往往人满为患，新的流离失所家庭定期抵达。(Yan Boechat /美国之音)
图片题注：For months, only a trickle of aid has entered Ethiopia’s northern region of Tigray, parts of which the U.N. says are likely in a state of famine. Some Tigrayans fleeing hunger are so hopeless, they tell of abandoning their families. Henry Wilkins reports from Sekota, Ethiopia 参考译文：几个月来，只有少量援助物资进入埃塞俄比亚北部的提格雷地区。联合国称该地区部分地区可能处于饥荒状态。一些逃离饥饿的提格雷人感到绝望，他们表示自己已经抛弃了家人。亨利·威尔金斯从埃塞俄比亚的塞科塔发回报道
In December 2020, the UN estimated more than one million people had been internally displaced by the fighting.[364] More than 50,000 people have fled to Sudan due to the conflict.[365][323] Communications and travel links were still blocked, and Human Rights Watch warned that “actions that deliberately impede relief supplies” would violate international humanitarian law.[364] Possible COVID-19 outbreaks were feared as refugees fleeing the Tigray conflict sheltered in crowded camps.[366] By March 2021, Shire had become a major centre for internally displaced people and humanitarian aid distribution.[367] 【参考译文】2020年12月，联合国估计有超过100万人因战斗而在国内流离失所。[364]由于冲突，已有超过5万人逃往苏丹。[365][323]通信和交通联系仍然受阻，人权观察警告说，“故意阻碍救援物资的行动”将违反国际人道主义法。[364]由于逃离提格雷冲突的难民在拥挤的营地避难，人们担心可能发生新冠病毒疫情。[366]到2021年3月，谢尔已成为国内流离失所者和人道主义援助分发的主要中心。[367]
In September 2021, the humanitarian situation continued to worsen in Tigray, Afar and Amhara Regions, due both to the armed conflict itself and due to bureaucratic obstruction. Two thousand displaced people returned to the Fantí Rasu zone in Afar Region after the ENDF and Afar Special Forces regained control and OCHA partner organisations’ access to improved.[368] 【参考译文】2021年9月，提格雷、阿法尔和阿姆哈拉地区的人道主义局势继续恶化，原因是武装冲突本身以及官僚主义的阻碍。在埃塞俄比亚国防军和阿法尔特种部队重新控制后，有2000名流离失所者返回了阿法尔地区Fantí Rasu区，人道协调厅伙伴组织也得以改善进入条件。 [368]
UNICEF stated that by the end of September 2022, around 574,000 more people in Afar, Amhara and Tigray were left displaced after fighting resumed in August 2022; they also reported that over 870,000 had become refugees.[40][369] 【参考译文】联合国儿童基金会表示，截至2022年9月底，阿法尔、阿姆哈拉和提格雷地区在2022年8月战斗再次爆发后，又有约574000人流离失所；他们还报告说，已有超过87万人成为难民。[40][369]
In November 2020, Amhara Region Special Forces[370] and Amhara militias loyal to the Amhara regional government[54] took control of the western zone of Tigray in order to settle a decades-old land dispute. They claim the area was taken from them by force in 1992 after TPLF forces overthrew the communist PDRE government and divided the country into ethnic regional states. They have also claimed the woredas (districts) of Welkait, Tegede, Kafta Humera, Tselemti, and Raya to be theirs.[371] 【参考译文】2020年11月，阿姆哈拉地区特种部队[370]和忠于阿姆哈拉地区政府的阿姆哈拉民兵[54]控制了提格雷西部地区，以解决长达数十年的土地争端。他们声称，在1992年TPLF部队推翻了共产主义的PDRE政府，并将该国划分为少数民族地区后，该地区被武力从他们手中夺走。他们还声称Welkait、Tegede、Kafta Humera、Tselemti和Raya等地区是他们的。[371]
Since then, the area has been under the de facto control of Amhara regional authorities. Their control has been marked by reports of ethnically motivated violence and forced displacement. By February 2021, about 45,000 civilians had been forced to leave the zone due to extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, and the disappearances of people, especially young men.[370] One refugee interviewed by Reuters said that if they didn’t leave when they did, they would have been killed by Amhara forces. 41 other refugees interviewed have also described attacks, looting, and threats by Amhara forces.[71] 【参考译文】自那时以来，该地区一直处于阿姆哈拉地区当局的实际控制之下。他们的控制以种族动机的暴力和被迫流离失所的报道为标志。到2021年2月，由于法外处决、任意拘留和人们(特别是年轻人)的失踪，大约45,000名平民被迫离开该地区。[370]一名接受路透社采访的难民说，如果他们没有离开，他们就会被阿姆哈拉部队杀害。其他41名接受采访的难民也描述了阿姆哈拉部队的袭击、抢劫和威胁。[71]
In March 2021, Mulu Nega, then leader of the federal-government-appointed Transitional Government of Tigray,[372] stated that Amhara de facto administrators of Western Tigray used violence against ethnic Tigrayans and forcibly displaced them.[71] Yabsira Eshetie, the administrator of the area, denied the claims. The Amhara government also denied the reports of forced displacement and asked the Ethiopian government to modify the border between the Amhara and Tigray regions. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken stated that there had been acts of ethnic cleansing in Tigray.[71] 【参考译文】2021年3月，当时由联邦政府任命的提格雷过渡政府领导人穆卢·内加表示，阿姆哈拉对西部提格雷的实际管理者对提格雷族人民使用了暴力并强行将他们驱逐。该地区的管理员亚比西拉·埃舍蒂否认了这些指控。阿姆哈拉政府也否认了有关强迫流离失所的报道，并要求埃塞俄比亚政府修改阿姆哈拉和提格雷地区之间的边界。美国国务卿安东尼·布林肯表示，在提格雷发生了种族清洗行为。
Some Tigrayans who fled to Sudan as refugees would later find themselves victimized again by human traffickers upon arrival. Many refugees had testified being kidnapped, regularly tortured, and transported to warehouses in Libya, where many would die due to poor living conditions.[373] Eritrean refugees faced similar risks, as, in addition to the traffickers, they also risked getting kidnapped by the Eritrean government.[374] This situation worsened further after Sudan descended into violence in 2023, placing refugees at further risk of being kidnapped.[373][375] 【参考译文】一些逃往苏丹的提格雷难民后来发现自己在抵达后再次成为人口贩子的受害者。许多难民作证称自己被绑架，经常遭受酷刑，并被运送到利比亚的仓库，许多人因恶劣的生活条件而死亡。[373]厄立特里亚难民也面临着类似的风险，因为他们除了面临人口贩子的威胁外，还可能被厄立特里亚政府绑架。[374]这种情况在2023年苏丹陷入暴力后进一步恶化，使难民面临更高的被绑架风险。[373][375]
In November 2020, the UN warned of “very critical” supply shortages for the nearly 100,000 Eritrean refugees who, prior to the war, were registered in four camps in Tigray region.[364][376] Later that same month, the UN reported that people in Tigray were fleeing Mekelle. The federal government had warned of “no mercy” if Tigray forces and residents remained intermingled.[364][377] As of 2 February 2021, 20,000 of the Eritrean refugees in Tigray, mostly from the Hitsats and Shimelba camps, remained unaccounted for, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.[378] 【参考译文】2020年11月，联合国警告称，对于战争前在提格雷地区四个营地登记的近10万名厄立特里亚难民来说，供应短缺问题“非常严重”。[364][376]同月晚些时候，联合国报告称，提格雷地区的人们正在逃离梅凯尔。联邦政府曾警告说，如果提格雷武装部队和居民仍然混在一起，将不会有任何怜悯。[364][377]截至2021年2月2日，根据联合国难民事务高级专员的数据，提格雷地区的2万名厄立特里亚难民（大部分来自Hitsats和Shimelba营地）仍然下落不明。[378]
Claire Wilmot, writing in The Washington Post, found that a significant number of new, single-issue Twitter accounts were opened in the immediate aftermath of the Northern Command attacks. Most appeared to be authentic accounts from people seeking to raise international awareness of the conflict in the midst of a communications blackout in Tigray.[379] The Ethiopian government cited disinformation and hate speech to justify communications blackouts. Researchers suggested that reducing access to information could help to create contexts where misinformation can thrive because it reduces the ability to verify information.[379][380] In late July 2021, a report emerged that there was coordination in social media messaging and media reportage of the conflict in Ethiopia, to an extent it mirrored an earlier Syrian hybrid information campaign designated as Project Basma.[381] 【参考译文】克莱尔·威尔莫特在《华盛顿邮报》上撰文指出，在北方指挥部袭击事件发生后不久，大量新的单一议题Twitter账户被开设。这些账户大多似乎是来自那些试图在国际上提高人们对冲突关注度的人的真实账户，尽管提格雷地区的通信遭到了封锁。[379] 埃塞俄比亚政府以虚假信息和仇恨言论为由，对通信进行封锁。研究人员认为，减少获取信息的途径可能会助长虚假信息的泛滥，因为这降低了核实信息的能力。[379][380] 2021年7月下旬，有报道称，社交媒体信息传播和媒体对埃塞俄比亚冲突的报道存在协调一致的情况，在某种程度上类似于早些时候被称为“Project Basma”的叙利亚混合信息宣传活动。[381]
The Ethiopian government tried to control the information environment by positioning itself as the sole provider of reliable information.[380] In February, pro-government groups called on their supporters in Ethiopia and the diaspora to combat what they called “TPLF fake news” online.[382] Pro-government groups used tactics similar to those of pro-Tigray groups to push their narrative of the conflict, though as of 5 February, pro-government campaigns had produced fewer Tweets overall.[380] Both Agence France-Presse and BBC News have documented examples of old or manipulated photos, which misleadingly endorsed either the federal Ethiopian government or the TPLF.[383][384] 【参考译文】埃塞俄比亚政府试图通过将自己定位为唯一可靠信息提供者来控制信息环境。[380] 2月份，亲政府团体呼吁他们在埃塞俄比亚和侨民中的支持者们在网上打击他们所谓的“TPLF假新闻”。[382] 亲政府团体使用了与亲提格雷团体类似的策略来推动他们对冲突的叙述，尽管截至2月5日，亲政府活动总体上发布的推文较少。[380] 法新社和英国广播公司新闻都记录了一些旧照片或被操纵的照片的例子，这些照片误导性地支持了联邦政府埃塞俄比亚政府或TPLF。[383][384]
Researchers found that groups use tactics such as “copy and paste” campaigns hosted on websites, which include instructions for opening new accounts, copying and pasting pre-written tweets, and tagging influencers. Both campaigns produced disinformation and misinformation, though the majority of content produced was activist in nature.[380] Wilmot suggested that the lines between authentic political activity and deliberate manipulation of online content during the conflict were increasingly blurred.[379] 【参考译文】研究人员发现，这些团体使用的策略包括在网站上进行“复制粘贴”活动，这些网站包含如何开设新账户、复制和粘贴预先写好的推文以及标记影响者的说明。这两个活动都产生了虚假信息和误导性信息，尽管产生的大部分内容都具有激进性质。[380] 威尔莫特表示，在冲突期间，真实政治活动与故意操纵在线内容的界限日益模糊。[379]
Facebook has been heavily criticized for its perceived role in fuelling ethnic tensions during the war, and has faced accusations that, in choosing not to crack down on hate speech being spread by Ethiopian users, it is complicit in cases of ethnic cleansing in the country.[385][386][387][388][389] 【参考译文】Facebook因被认为在战争期间助长种族紧张局势而受到严厉批评，并面临指控，即Facebook因被认为在战争期间助长种族紧张局势而受到严厉批评，并面临指控，即选择不打击埃塞俄比亚用户传播的仇恨言论，从而在该国内发生的种族清洗事件中扮演共犯角色。[385][386][387][388][389]
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The Ethiopian government had engaged in repeated crackdowns on media coverage throughout the war.[390] In November 2021 (during the 2021–2022 state of emergency), the Ethiopian Media Authority (EMA) threatened to cancel the media licences of BBC News, Reuters, CNN and Associated Press, accusing the news organisations of having “consistently disseminated news that sowed seeds of animosity among people and compromised the sovereignty of the country.” The EMA cited “reporting the Law enforcement operation as a genocidal campaign” as an example of misleading information aiming to “undermin[e] the [federal] government’s efforts to address the humanitarian crisis in the Tigray region.”[391] 【参考译文】在整个战争期间，埃塞俄比亚政府对媒体报道进行了多次镇压。【390】2021年11月(2021 – 2022年紧急状态期间)，埃塞俄比亚媒体管理局(EMA)威胁要取消BBC新闻、路透社、CNN和美联社的媒体执照，指责这些新闻机构“不断传播在人民中播下仇恨种子并损害国家主权的新闻”。EMA引用“将执法行动报道为种族灭绝运动”作为误导性信息的一个例子，旨在“破坏[e][联邦]政府解决提格雷地区人道主义危机的努力”。[391]
On 20 May 2022, Ethiopian law enforcement began arresting journalists en masse, with 4,500 people in the Amhara Region alone being taken into custody. One Amhara law enforcement official described this as a way to maintain “law and order” and “get rid of outside enemies”.[392] 【参考译文】2022年5月20日，埃塞俄比亚执法部门开始大规模逮捕记者，仅在阿姆哈拉地区就有4500人被拘留。阿姆哈拉的一名执法官员将其描述为维持“法律和秩序”和“摆脱外部敌人”的一种方式。[392]
The media restrictions resulted in what has been described as an “information blackout“.[393] Many journalists, both local and international, have noted the difficulty they face in trying to report on the war, as they risk the possibility of getting either killed or imprisoned by government forces.[394][395] By December 2021, the Committee to Protect Journalists described both Ethiopia and Eritrea as the worst “jailers of journalists” in sub-Saharan Africa.[396] 【参考译文】媒体限制导致了所谓的”信息封锁”。[393]许多当地和国际记者都指出，他们在试图报道战争时面临着困难，因为他们冒着被政府军队杀害或监禁的风险。[394][395]截至2021年12月，保护记者委员会将埃塞俄比亚和厄立特里亚列为撒哈拉以南非洲最糟糕的”囚禁记者的国家”。[396]
On 2 November 2022, the Ethiopian government and Tigrayan leaders signed a peace accord, with the African Union as a mediator, and agreed on “orderly, smooth and coordinated disarmament”.[400][401] The agreement was made effective the next day on 3 November, marking the two-year anniversary of the war.[51] 【参考译文】2022年11月2日，埃塞俄比亚政府和提格雷领导人在非洲联盟的调解下签署了和平协议，并同意进行“有序、平稳、协调的解除武装”。[400][401]该协议于次日11月3日生效，标志着战争爆发两周年。[51]
As part of this process, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed appointed TPLF’s Getachew Reda as head of the Interim Regional Administration of Tigray, and the Ethiopian parliament removed the TPLF from its terrorism list.[402] 【参考译文】作为这一进程的一部分，阿比·艾哈迈德总理任命提格雷人民解放阵线的格塔丘·雷达担任提格雷临时行政区主席，埃塞俄比亚议会将提格雷人民解放阵线从恐怖主义名单中删除。
9. 反应 | Reactions
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The Tigray War has been the subject of numerous reactions and protests, both locally[403] and worldwide.[404][405][406] 【参考译文】提格雷战争在当地[403]和世界范围内引起了许多反应和抗议。[404][405][406]
10. 后续 | Aftermath
10.1 健康上的影响 | Health impacts
此图片属于公共领域
图片题注：A wounded child at Ayder Hospital in Mekelle, Tigray. 参考译文：一名受伤的儿童在提格雷市迈克勒的艾德尔医院。
The war had a devastating impact on the healthcare system of Tigray; of the 853 health facilities in the region, 86% were at least partially damaged; 232 of them were left “completely unusable”, and 28 were destroyed entirely.[407] 【参考译文】战争对提格雷的医疗保健系统造成了毁灭性的影响；在该区域853个卫生设施中，有86%至少部分受损；其中232个被“完全无法使用”，28个被完全摧毁。[407]
It also led to a higher rate of maternal and infant mortality in the Tigray Region. In a study funded by UNFPA Ethiopia and UNICEF Ethiopia, it was estimated that maternal mortality rates had increased from 186 deaths per 100,000 people pre-war to 840 deaths per 100,000 people post-war.[408] A health coordinator at the Tigray Health Bureau said to Addis Standard in June 2023, that, according to their research, both maternal and infant mortality rates had regressed to the levels they were at in 2001.[409] According to Tigrayan health official Tsegay Gidey, 81% of mothers in the Seharti Samreworeda had birth defects, and 32 newborn infants had died between January–June 2023.[409] 【参考译文】它还导致提格雷地区孕产妇和婴儿死亡率升高。在埃塞俄比亚人口基金和埃塞俄比亚儿童基金会资助的一项研究中，估计孕产妇死亡率从战前每10万人186人死亡增加到战后每10万人840人死亡。[408]提格雷卫生局的一名卫生协调员在2023年6月对亚的斯亚贝巴标准报说，根据他们的研究，产妇和婴儿死亡率已经回落到2001年的水平。[409]据提格雷安卫生官员Tsegay Gidey称，在塞哈蒂Samre woreda, 81%的母亲有先天缺陷，在2023年1月至6月期间，有32名新生儿死亡。[409]
10.2 经济上的影响 | Economic impact
The war had a costly impact on the Ethiopian economy. In late November 2022, the cost of rebuilding was estimated to be around $20 billion.[88][410] The cost of rebuilding healthcare facilities in the Tigray, Afar and Amhara Regions was at least $1.4 billion, being devastated by the war.[411] Between June 2022 and March 2023, government debt had increased by 6%, reaching a debt total of roughly $60.6 billion (3.3 trillion birr).[412] 【参考译文】经济影响这场战争对埃塞俄比亚的经济造成了巨大的影响。2022年11月下旬，重建成本估计约为200亿美元。【88】【410】在提格雷、阿法尔和阿姆哈拉地区重建医疗设施的费用至少为14亿美元，这些设施被战争摧毁。【411】从2022年6月到2023年3月，政府债务增加了6%，债务总额约为606亿美元(3.3万亿比尔)。[412]提格雷战争也破坏了该国与外国债权人的关系。[412]
The Tigray War also damaged the country’s relationship with foreign creditors.[412] Shortly after it began in November 2020, the European Union suspended budget support to Ethiopia (citing reports of human rights abuses), a decision they would maintain until the end of the war.[413][414] The credit agencyFitch Ratings downgraded Ethiopia’s credit rating in January 2023, expressing lower confidence that the Ethiopian government would be able to pay off their external debt.[415] 在2020年11月战争开始后不久，欧盟暂停了对埃塞俄比亚的预算支持(理由是有侵犯人权的报道)，他们将维持这一决定，直到战争结束。【413】【414】信用机构惠誉评级(Fitch Ratings)在2023年1月下调了埃塞俄比亚的信用评级，表示对埃塞俄比亚政府能够偿还外债的信心较低。【415】
Inflation hit the country hard in the months following the war. Ethiopia had an average inflation rate of 30% in 2022, largely driven by food prices;[416] in February 2023, the overall inflation rate reached 32%;[417] by 12 September 2023 (Enkutatash), Ethiopia continued to experience high inflation, with commonly purchased food items becoming more expensive.[418] Although the war has not been considered the sole reason for these economic struggles, it has still been described as a contributing factor.[416][418] 【参考译文】在战后的几个月里，通货膨胀严重打击了这个国家。埃塞俄比亚在2022年的平均通货膨胀率为30%，主要受食品价格的推动;[416]在2023年2月，总体通货膨胀率达到32%;[417]到2023年9月12日(Enkutatash)，埃塞俄比亚继续经历高通货膨胀，通常购买的食品变得更加昂贵。[418]虽然战争并没有被认为是这些经济困难的唯一原因，但它仍然被描述为一个促成因素。[416][418]
10.3 厄立特里亚的持续占领 | Continued Eritrean occupation
Although the war largely came to a halt after the peace agreement was signed, Eritrea continues to occupy parts of Tigray as of mid-2023.[68] The EDF has been responsible for the deaths of thousands of people in northern Ethiopia since November 2022; from 17 to 25 November alone, Eritrea was reported to have destroyed 241 houses and killed at least 111 people.[419] by 30 December, it was estimated that Eritrean and Amhara forces killed 3,700 since the signing of the peace deal.[420] 【参考译文】虽然和平协议签署后战争基本停止，但截至2023年中，厄立特里亚继续占领提格雷部分地区。自2022年11月以来，埃塞俄比亚国防军(EDF)在北部地区造成了数千人死亡；仅在11月17日至25日期间，就有报道称厄立特里亚摧毁了241座房屋并至少杀害了111人。截至12月30日，据估计自和平协议签署以来，厄立特里亚和阿姆哈拉部队共杀害了3,700人。
The Tigray Health Bureau noted that 852 cases of rape and sexual assault were reported between November and December 2022; according to aid workers and interviews with survivors, most of these were committed by Eritrean forces.[421] 【参考译文】提格雷卫生局指出，2022年11月至12月期间报告了852起强奸和性侵犯案件;根据救援人员和对幸存者的采访，其中大多数是由厄立特里亚军队犯下的。[421]
As of January 2023, over half of Irob district was occupied by Eritrea.[420] Irob advocacy groups and former residents have described it as a “de-facto annexation” of the area.[68] A religious Irob leader told The Guardian in August 2023 that Eritrea was blocking off international aid to the area, and lamented that “there has been no improvement for us since the peace.”[68] 【参考译文】截至2023年1月，Irob地区的一半以上被厄立特里亚占领。[420] Irob的倡导团体和前居民将其描述为该地区的“事实性吞并”。[68] 一位宗教Irob领导人在2023年8月告诉《卫报》 ，厄立特里亚正在阻止国际援助进入该地区，并感叹道：“自和平以来，我们的情况没有任何改善。”[68]
· Negash, Emnet (24 May 2023). “Updated assessment of civilian starvation deaths during the Tigray war”. Archived from the original on 4 July 2023. Retrieved 4 July 2023. As our estimate of the civilian deaths in the Tigray war is regularly mentioned in the media, it seems important to share our evolving understanding and updated (lower) number of civilian deaths as a result of the Tigray war and blockade. We concluded that the IPC/FEWS categorization, on which our Tigray statistics are mainly based, overestimates hunger mortality. Along with developing information on the ground, this would point to a total number of civilian deaths ranging from 162,000 to 378,000.
· “Ethiopia war: UN investigative Human rights commission debuts 6-day visit”. Africanews. AFP. 26 July 2022. Archived from the original on 1 November 2022. Retrieved 1 November 2022. The [commission] is mandated […] to ‘conduct a thorough and impartial investigation into allegations of violations and abuses of international human rights law […] in Ethiopia committed since 3 November 2020 by all parties to the conflict’
· “Ethiopia: ‘We are in our homeland, the invaders are attacking us,’ says Tigray’s Gebremichael”. France 24. 15 December 2020. Archived from the original on 16 December 2020. Debretsion Gebremichael told France 24 that [Tigray] would continue fighting as long as federal ‘invaders’ are on Tigrayan soil. […] [He] believes neighbouring Eritrea is playing a key role in the conflict. ‘They already have 16 divisions in Tigray. They are fighting on the side of the federal army… They have a united front against us. Wherever you go, they are there.’
· “The midnight confrontation that helped unleash Ethiopia’s conflict”. France 24. AFP. 27 November 2020. Archived from the original on 27 November 2020. Ten armed members of the Tigrayan special forces got out of the vehicle and demanded to see the camp’s commander. “‘We’re not here for you,'” Hussen recalled them saying. “‘We want to talk to the leaders.'” […] An argument ensued and gunfire rang out. They were the first shots in a conflict that has since engulfed northern Ethiopia’s Tigray region…
· Peralta, Eyder (13 November 2020). “What To Know About Ethiopia’s Tigray Conflict”. NPR. Archived from the original on 9 March 2021. Retrieved 7 April 2021. This conflict has the potential to be devastating. Some scholars have warned Ethiopia could break apart in the way Yugoslavia did in the 1990s. The government has downplayed the fighting, calling it a “law enforcement operation.” Kiya Tsegaye, an Ethiopian political analyst, says the government has alienated Tigray from its neighbors. Abiy has made deals with Eritrea and the new government of Sudan, leaving Tigray with few ways to receive the weapons it would need to keep fighting. But he says the Tigray forces are no ordinary militia. “They have dominated the security and the military for almost three decades, and they have all the information and the top secrets of this country,” he says. “They know the Achilles’ heel.” The government alleges that when TPLF fighters attacked their troops last week, they also stole missiles that may be able to reach the capital Addis Ababa.
· Kifle, Shuwa (16 August 2021). “Zerbricht Äthiopien im Bürgerkrieg?”. heise online (in German). Archived from the original on 31 May 2022. Retrieved 28 August 2021. Mitglieder der Agaw haben sich in ihrem Gebiet – zu dem auch Lalibela gehört – inzwischen sogar von Amhara unabhängig erklärt und eine Agaw Liberation Front (ALF) gegründet.
· Anna, Cara (29 October 2022). “Witnesses allege Eritrean abuses during Ethiopia peace talks”. PBS NewsHour. Associated Press. Archived from the original on 15 November 2022. Retrieved 30 October 2022. An aid worker from Axum who relocated to Shire this week fearing for his life said civilians were being killed by Eritrean forces there since at least Sunday.
· Gebremedhn, Gebre (11 June 2021). “ነበርቲ ሓውዜን ግዳያት ኵናት ትግራይ ብጅምላ ይቐብርሉ ኣለው’ፀብፃብ ሄዘር ሞርዶክ” [‘Hawzen residents are burying Tigray war victims en masse’ reports Heather Murdoch] (in Tigrinya). Voice of America. Archived from the original on 9 July 2021. Retrieved 7 July 2021.
· Anna, Cara (26 April 2021). “‘Leave no Tigrayan’: In Ethiopia, an ethnicity is erased”. AP NEWS. Retrieved 24 June 2021. Now, for the first time, they also bring proof of an official attempt at what is being called ethnic cleansing in the form of a new identity card that eliminates all traces of Tigray, as confirmed to The Associated Press by nine refugees from different communities… “I kept it to show the world,” Seid said. He added that only 10 Tigrayans remained of the roughly 400 who worked at the hospital where he had been employed, the rest killed or fleeing. “This is genocide … Their aim is to erase Tigray.” … What started as a political dispute in one of Africa’s most powerful and populous countries has turned into a campaign of ethnic cleansing against minority Tigrayans, according to AP interviews with 30 refugees in Sudan and dozens more by phone, along with international experts.
· Hansler, Jennifer (10 March 2021). “Blinken: Acts of ‘ethnic cleansing’ committed in Western Tigray”. CNN. Retrieved 24 June 2021. Secretary of State Tony Blinken for the first time Wednesday used the term “ethnic cleansing” to describe human rights abuses he said have been carried out in the Western Tigray region of Ethiopia, calling the situation “unacceptable.”
· Cawthorne, Andrew; Flick, Maggie (13 November 2020). William Maclean (ed.). “Ethiopian police seeking lists of ethnic Tigrayans – U.N. report”. Reuters. Archived from the original on 16 January 2021. Retrieved 18 December 2020. Ethiopian police visited a U.N. World Food Programme (WFP) office in Amhara region to request a list of ethnic Tigrayan staff, according to an internal U.N. security report seen by Reuters on Friday. … The U.N. report said that the local police chief informed the WFP office of “the order of identifying ethnic Tigrayans from all government agencies and NGOs”.
· Lynch, Colum; Gramer, Robin (23 November 2020). “U.N. Fears Ethiopia Purging Ethnic Tigrayan Officers From Its Peacekeeping Missions”. Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 16 January 2021. Retrieved 17 December 2020. The Ethiopian government has been rounding up ethnic Tigrayan security forces deployed in United Nations and African peacekeeping missions abroad and forcing them onto flights to the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, where it is feared they may face torture or even execution, according to an internal U.N. account.
· “Ethiopia: EU suspends budget support over Tigray conflict”. Deutsche Welle. 16 December 2020. Archived from the original on 17 December 2020. Retrieved 17 December 2020. Aid access:- The UN Security Council on Monday held an informal meeting on the humanitarian situation in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, where the majority of humanitarian organizations are not allowed to enter. A humanitarian crisis is unfolding on such a scale that organizations are afraid of what they will find once allowed in.
· Psaledakis, Daphne; et al. (1 September 2021). “U.S. agency says Tigrayan forces looted aid warehouses in Ethiopia’s Amhara region”. Reuters. Retrieved 8 September 2021. “I do believe that the TPLF has been very opportunistic,” he added. Representatives for the TPLF and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s office did not immediately respond to requests for comment. “Any interference or theft of humanitarian aid is unacceptable and prevents critical assistance from reaching people in need. Unfortunately, since the beginning of the conflict in northern Ethiopia, we’ve seen instances of looting from all parties,” a USAID spokesperson said.
· “Tigray rebels loot humanitarian warehouses”. Vatican News. Dicasterium pro Communicatione. 1 September 2021. Retrieved 11 September 2021. Rebels in Ethiopia’s war-torn Tigray region have reportedly been looting aid warehouses. The pillaging compounds a deepening humanitarian crisis in the Horn of Africa nation which sees over five million people in urgent need of basic food aid.
· “More than a million displaced in Tigray as Ethiopian PM warns of ‘final’ offensive against region”. France 24. 19 December 2020. Archived from the original on 19 December 2020. Retrieved 19 December 2020. The United Nations says shortages have become “very critical” in Ethiopia’s embattled Tigray region as its population of 6 million remains sealed off and its capital is under threat of attack by Ethiopian forces seeking to arrest the regional leaders. Fuel and cash are running out, more than 1 million people are now estimated to be displaced and food for nearly 100,000 refugees from Eritrea will be gone in a week, according to a new report released overnight.
· Abdelaziz, Khalid; Mirghani, Ali; Eltahir, Nafisa (19 December 2020). “Analysis-Spillover from Tigray conflict adds to pressure on Sudan”. Reuters. Archived from the original on 13 January 2021. Retrieved 19 December 2020. Internal conflict in Ethiopia has driven more than 50,000 refugees into Sudan in just over a month, triggering a complex aid operation in an impoverished region of Sudan.
· Ethiopia: EU suspends budget support over Tigray conflict. Deutsche Welle. 2020-12-16 [2020-12-17]. （原始内容存档于2020-12-17）. Aid access:- The UN Security Council on Monday held an informal meeting on the humanitarian situation in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, where the majority of humanitarian organizations are not allowed to enter. A humanitarian crisis is unfolding on such a scale that organizations are afraid of what they will find once allowed in.
Agew Liberation Front (2021–22)
Egypt[citation needed]（埃及）
埃塞俄比亚政府
厄立特里亚政府
阿姆哈拉州
阿法尔州
提格雷州
奥罗莫解放军
埃塞俄比亚国防军 ENDF
Fano militias（阿姆哈拉民族主义青年组织）
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