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【消歧义提示】此条目页的主题是1882年美国的《排华法案》。关于加拿大的《排华法案》，请见“1923年华人移民法案”。/ For Chinese Exclusion Act in Canada, see Chinese Immigration Act, 1923.
【消歧义提示】Not to be confused with Immigration Act of 1924.【不要与 1924 年移民法相混淆。】
目录
0. 概述
辽观注：此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。
0.1 文字说明
辽观注：此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。
《排华法案》是议员Horace F. Page提出，美国总统切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟于1882年5月6日签署的一项法案，成为《美国法典》的一部分。美国两党人士均参与了对该法案的推动。此法案为1880年对《天津条约续增条约》的修订，允许美国暂停华人移民。国会根据修订的条约，很快就制定了这项法案。
The law made exceptions for merchants, teachers, students, travelers, and diplomats.[2] The Chinese Exclusion Act was the first major U.S. law ever implemented to prevent all members of a specific national group from immigrating to the United States, and therefore helped shape twentieth-century race-based immigration policy.[3][4]
【参考译文】该法律为商人、教师、学生、旅行者和外交官等设立了例外。《排华法案》是美国有史以来第一部旨在阻止特定国家群体所有成员移民到美国的重大法律，因此有助于塑造了二十世纪基于种族的移民政策。[3][4]
这项法案将所有华人劳工拒于美国之外长达十年。其1884年修正案更限缩了先前入境的移民离开和进入美国的规定，同时阐明，无论这些华人的国籍为何，该法皆适用。1892年，该法案由《吉尔里法案》（或称《基瑞法案》）延长十年，到1902年便取消了时限。法案被1943年通过的《马格努森法案》废除，后者允许每年105名华人的入境移民限额，然而大规模的华人移民并没有随之到来，直至《1965年入境移民与国籍服务法案》的通过。该法案是对大量华人因中国的内部动荡和有机会得到铁路建设工作而迁入美国西部所作出的反应。它是在美国通过的第一部针对特定族群的移民法。[1]
Passage of the law was preceded by growing anti-Chinese sentiment and anti-Chinese violence, as well as various policies targeting Chinese migrants.[5] The act followed the Angell Treaty of 1880, a set of revisions to the U.S.–China Burlingame Treaty of 1868 that allowed the U.S. to suspend Chinese immigration. The act was initially intended to last for 10 years, but was renewed and strengthened in 1892 with the Geary Act and made permanent in 1902. These laws attempted to stop all Chinese immigration into the United States for ten years, with exceptions for diplomats, teachers, students, merchants, and travelers. They were widely evaded.[6]
【参考译文】该法案的通过之前，伴随着不断增长的反华情绪和针对中国人的暴力事件，以及各种针对中国移民的政策措施。[5]该法案是在1880年安吉尔条约之后出台的，该条约是对1868年中美《蒲安臣条约》的一系列修订，允许美国暂停中国移民。该法案最初计划持续10年，但在1892年通过《吉里法案》得到续延并加强，并在1902年成为永久性法律。这些法律规定试图在未来十年内停止所有中国移民进入美国，但对外交官、教师、学生、商人和旅行者设立了例外。然而，这些法律被广泛规避。[6]
In 1898 the Supreme Court ruled in United States v. Wong Kim Ark that the law did not prevent the children of Chinese immigrants born in the United States from acquiring birthright citizenship.
【参考译文】1898年，美国最高法院在“美国诉黄金德案”中裁定，该法律并不阻止在美国出生的中国移民子女获得出生公民权。
The law remained in force until the passage of the Magnuson Act in 1943, which repealed the exclusion and allowed 105 Chinese immigrants to enter the United States each year. Chinese immigration later increased with the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, which abolished direct racial barriers, and later by the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which abolished the National Origins Formula.[7]
【参考译文】该法律一直有效直至1943年《马格努森法案》的通过，该法案废除了排华条款，并允许每年有105名中国移民进入美国。随后，随着1952年《移民与国籍法》的通过，直接的种族障碍被废除，中国移民数量开始增加；而1965年《移民与国籍法》进一步废除了国籍配额制度，使得移民人数进一步增长。[7]
虽然该法案很久之前就被废止，但是长期以来它却一直是《美国法典》的一部分。即便是今天，虽然它所有的内容都早已被废除，但是《美国法典》第8篇第7章题名为“排除华人”（Exclusion of Chinese）。它是第8篇（外国人和国籍）的15章里唯一一个完全针对一个特定国籍或族群的章节。[2][3]
0.2 概况表格
辽观注：此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。
| 排华法案 / Chinese Exclusion Act | |
| 全名 | 关于执行有关华人条约诸规定的法案 |
|---|---|
| 俗称 | 1882年排华法案 |
| 立法机构 | 第47届美国国会 |
| 生效日期 | 1882年5月6日 |
| 引用文献 | |
| 公法 | 47-126 |
| 法律汇编 | 22 Stat. 58 |
| 法典编纂 | |
| 废除法令 | 1943年12月17日 |
| 立法历程 | |
| 众议院提案：H.R. 5804， Horace F. Page (R–CA)， April 12, 1882 委员会审核：众议院外交委员会 众议院通过：April 17, 1882 Votes 69R 202D Not Voting 51（202-37） 参议院通过：April 28, 1882 Votes 9R 22D Not Voting 29（32-15）（经修订） 众议院同意通过参议院修正案：1882年5月3日（已同意） 总统签署生效：切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟，1882年5月6日 | |
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1. 背景 | Background
Main article: History of Chinese Americans【主条目：华裔美国人的历史】
Two opium wars with the British lasting from (1839 to 1860) left many Chinese people in immense debt; this and drought and floods sent many unemployed farmers to start new lives in the Americas.[8]
【参考译文】与英国持续两次的鸦片战争（从1839年至1860年）使许多中国人背负巨债；加之干旱和洪水灾害，迫使许多失业农民前往美洲寻求新的生活。[8]
The first significant Chinese immigration to America began with the California Gold Rush of 1848–1855 and it continued with subsequent large labor projects, such as the building of the first transcontinental railroad. During the early stages of the gold rush, when surface gold was plentiful, the Chinese were tolerated by white people, if not well received.[9] However, as gold became harder to find and competition increased, animosity toward the Chinese and other foreigners increased. After being forcibly driven from mining by a mixture of state legislators and other miners (the Foreign Miner’s Tax), the immigrant Chinese began to settle in enclaves in cities, mainly San Francisco, and took up low-wage labor, such as restaurant and laundry work.[10] With the post-Civil War economy in decline by the 1870s, anti-Chinese animosity became politicized by labor leader Denis Kearney and his Workingman’s Party[11] as well as by California governor John Bigler, both of whom blamed “coolie labor” for depressed wage levels. In addition to economic pressures, U.S. cultural products had long promoted racist views of Chinese people.[12]: 25 Public opinion and law in California began to demonize Chinese workers and immigrants in any role, with the latter half of the 1800s seeing a series of ever more restrictive laws being placed on Chinese labor, behavior and even living conditions. While many of these legislative efforts were quickly overturned by the State Supreme Court,[13] many more anti-Chinese laws continued to be passed in both California and nationally.
【参考译文】美国华人移民潮的首次高潮始于1848年至1855年的加利福尼亚淘金热，并随着随后大型劳动项目如第一条横贯大陆铁路的建设而延续。在淘金潮初期，当表层金矿丰富时，白人虽未热烈欢迎但也容忍了华人。[9]然而，随着金矿越来越难开采，竞争加剧，对华人及其他外来者的敌意也随之上升。在被州立法者和其他矿工（通过外国矿工税）强行驱逐出采矿业后，华人移民开始在城市特别是旧金山定居，并从事低薪工作，如餐馆和洗衣业。[10]随着南北战争后经济在19世纪70年代开始衰退，劳工领袖丹尼斯·凯里和他的工人党，以及加州州长约翰·比格勒，都将“苦力劳工”归咎于工资水平的下降，将反华情绪政治化。[11]除了经济压力外，美国文化产品长期以来也一直在推广对华人的种族歧视观点。[12]: 25 加州的公众舆论和法律开始妖魔化在任何角色中的华人劳工和移民，19世纪下半叶见证了一系列对华人劳工、行为乃至居住条件越来越严格的法律的出台。尽管许多此类立法努力很快就被州最高法院推翻，[13]但加州乃至全美仍继续通过了许多反华法律。
In the early 1850s, there was resistance to the idea of excluding Chinese migrant workers, since they provided essential tax revenue.[14] The Xianfeng Emperor, who ruled China at the time, supported the exclusion because he was concerned that Chinese immigration to America would lead to a loss of labor for China.[15] But toward the end of the decade, the financial situation improved and state level exclusion laws were passed.[14] In 1858, the California Legislature passed a law that made it illegal for any person “of the Chinese or Mongolian races” to enter the state; however, this law was struck down by the State Supreme Court in 1862.[16]
【参考译文】在19世纪50年代早期，人们反对排除华人劳工的想法，因为华人提供了重要的税收来源。当时统治中国的咸丰帝支持排斥，因为他担心华人移民美国会导致中国劳动力流失。[15]但到了19世纪50年代末，财政状况有所改善，州级排斥法得以通过。[14]1858年，加州立法机构通过了一项法律，禁止“中国人或蒙古种族”的任何人进入该州；然而，这项法律在1862年被州最高法院废止。[16]
到1860年，华人已经是加利福尼亚州最大的移民团体了。华裔移民工人提供廉价劳动力，不占用任何政府基础设施（学校、医院等），因为中国移民人口中，健康的成年人男性占据了绝大多数。[8]随着时间的推移，越来越多的华裔移民来到加利福尼亚州，在洛杉矶等地开始多发暴力事件。宾夕法尼亚州议会和国会提到，宾夕法尼亚州海狸瀑布餐具公司（Beaver Falls Cuttery Company）因为所有工作被200多名华人男性取代而爆发了罢工。“在某种程度上，它促成了《排华法案》的最终通过。”[11][12]曾经，在加州，华人男性占所有挣工资工人人口的近四分之一，[13]到1878年，国会感到有必要在立法中禁止来自中国的移民，而这项法案后来被拉瑟福德·伯查德·海斯总统否决。1873年8月27日《旧金山纪事报》文章的标题是“中国入侵！他们来了，90万人，强大的种族”，这篇文章被《大西洋》追溯为2019年反移民“入侵”言论的根源之一。[14]
The Chinese immigrant workers provided cheap labor and did not use government schools, hospitals, and such because the Chinese migrant population was predominantly healthy male adults.[14] January 1868, the Senate ratified the Burlingame Treaty with China, allowing an unrestricted flow of Chinese into the country.[17] As time passed and more and more Chinese migrants arrived in the United States and California in particular, violence often broke out in cities such as Los Angeles. The North Adams strike of 1870, broken by the replacement of all workers by 75 Chinese men was the trigger that sparked widespread working-class protest across the country, shaped legislative debate in Congress, and helped make Chinese immigration a sustained national issue.[18]Leland Stanford founder of the Central Pacific Railroad and Stanford University told Congress that majority of railroad workers were Chinese, and it would be impossible to complete westward expansion without them.[20]
【参考译文】华人移民的一个重要部分是在全美各地修建铁路的艰苦劳动。华人移民承担了这些工作，这些工作艰苦到没有白人美国人愿意做。中央太平洋铁路公司及斯坦福大学创始人利兰·斯坦福告诉国会，多数铁路工人都是华人，没有他们就不可能完成向西扩张。[20]
The Page Act of 1875 banned Chinese women from entering the United States to prevent the settlement of families, but continued to allow Chinese men and their labor.
【参考译文】1875年的《佩奇法案》禁止中国妇女入境，以防止家庭定居，但仍允许中国男性及其劳工进入。
Key to the transformation of Chinese immigration from a Californian to a national question was the political climate in 1876. This year was an election year and was exceedingly close[21] with both parties looking to the West Coast for aid in the coming election, it was through this that Californian politicians were able to project their concerns with Chinese immigration eastward into discourse in the capital.citation needed] and the ships immigrants arrived on by way of ordinances and resultant fines, but such legislation was deemed unconstitutional through its violation of either the Burlingame Treaty, the Fourteenth Amendment, or the Civil Rights Act of 1866.[21] In light of such failures, It became clear that the issue had to be solved by the federal government. For Californian politicians advocating against Chinese immigration, therefore, the close political competition in 1876 provided a good opportunity to propel their cause from a state issue to a national issue. The idea was that the desire for West Coast votes would compel the political parties to adopt policies to appeal to Californian voters, by making known the heavy anti-Chinese sentiment in California, Californian anti-Chinese legislators could influence political parties into adopting an anti-Chinese immigration rhetoric.[22] Secondly, on April 3, the California State Senate authorized an investigation on the effects of Chinese immigration on the state’s culture and economy, with the findings to be sent to ‘leading newspapers of the United States’ and 5 copies for each member of Congress. Furthering these measures was the sending of a delegation by the San Francisco Board of Supervisors to cities in the east to express anti-Chinese sentiment to crowds (and later newspapers).Republican Aaron A. Sargent, the senior senator for California, addressed the senate with a vicious attack on Chinese immigration before they voted on treaty negotiations with China.[23]
【参考译文】这种影响力通过多种方式实施：首先，在整个春季举行了许多备受瞩目的反华示威，如4月5日在旧金山举行的有2万人参加的示威。其次，4月3日，加州州参议院授权对华人移民对本州文化和经济影响进行调查，调查结果要发送给“美国的主要报纸”以及每位国会议员5份副本。进一步的措施还包括旧金山监事会派遣代表团前往东部城市向人群（后来还有报纸）表达反华情绪。[19]代表团成员菲利普·罗奇和弗兰克·皮克斯利谈论了华人“苦力”劳工带来的经济威胁，同时也谈到了华人移民在种族上的不兼容性和低劣性，加剧了其他州的恐惧和焦虑。这些言论也传到了参议院听证会上，例如5月1日共和党人亚伦·A·萨金特，加州资深参议员，在参议院投票前对中国移民问题进行了猛烈攻击。[19][23]
The result of these efforts, among others, culminated in the overwhelming support of anti-Chinese policies by both political parties observed in their respective conventions in June.[2] as such leaders across the country (whose concerns with the benefits or ill of Chinese-labour were second to winning votes) were compelled to advocacy for anti-Chinese sentiment.[21]
【参考译文】这些努力的结果，以及其他因素，最终在同年6月的两党大会上得到了压倒性的反华政策支持。[19]因此，1876年的选举年在将华人移民问题从州问题转变为全国性问题上发挥了关键作用；竞争激烈的政坛氛围允许了一种有预谋的政治企图，即将加州的移民不满情绪全国化，[2]于是，全国各地的领导人（他们对华人劳动力的利弊考虑次于赢得选票）被迫倡导反华情绪。[21]
Numerous strikes followed the Adams strike, notably Beaver Falls Cutlery Company in Pennsylvania and others[24][25] After the economy soured in the Panic of 1873, Chinese immigrants were blamed for depressing workmen’s wages.[17] At one point, Chinese men represented nearly a quarter of all wage-earning workers in California,[26] and by 1878 Congress felt compelled to try to ban immigration from China in legislation that was later vetoed by President Rutherford B. Hayes. The title of the August 27, 1873, San Francisco Chronicle article, “The Chinese Invasion! They Are Coming, 900,000 Strong”, was traced by The Atlantic as one of the roots of the 2019 anti-immigration “invasion” rhetoric.[27] Furthermore, in 1876, San Francisco Lawyer H.N. Clement stood before a California State Committee and said: “The Chinese are upon us. How can we get rid of them? The Chinese are coming. How can we stop them?”.[2] This perfectly reflected the overall feeling of many Americans at the time, and how public officials were partly responsible in making this situation seem even more serious than it actually was.
【参考译文】亚当斯罢工之后发生了多起罢工事件，包括宾夕法尼亚州的比弗福尔斯刀具公司等。[24][25]1873年恐慌之后，经济衰退，华人移民被指责压低了工人工资。[17]一度，华人男子几乎占加州所有领薪工人的四分之一，[26]到1878年，国会感到有必要尝试在后来被拉瑟福德·B·海斯总统否决的立法中禁止来自中国的移民。1873年8月27日《旧金山纪事报》文章的标题“华人入侵！他们来了，90万之众”，被《大西洋月刊》追溯为2019年反移民“入侵”言论的根源之一。[27]此外，1876年，旧金山律师H·N·克莱门特在加州州委员会前说：“华人就在我们身边。我们怎么摆脱他们？华人正在赶来。我们如何阻止他们？”[2]这完美地反映了当时许多美国人的普遍感受，以及公共官员在某种程度上使这一情况显得比实际更严重。
In 1879, however, California adopted a new Constitution which explicitly authorized the state government to determine which individuals were allowed to reside in the state, and banned the Chinese from employment by corporations and state, county or municipal governments.[28]
【参考译文】然而，1879年，加州通过了一部新宪法，明确规定州政府有权决定哪些人可以居住在该州，并禁止华人受雇于公司和州、县或市政府。[28]
然而，到了1879年，加利福尼亚州通过了一部新宪法法案，明确授权州政府决定哪些人可以在该州居住，并禁止华人受雇于公司和州、县或市政府。[15]尽管关于加州的反华情绪是否推动了联邦政府（加州论）作出决定，或者对华歧视主义是否仅仅是该国固有的问题存在争议，但到1882年，联邦政府还是被说服通过了《排华法案》，在10年内禁止从中国移民。当《排华法案》最终在1882年被通过时，加州也通过了各项法律，更加深入地进行了对华人的差别待遇——但这些法律随后被宣告为违宪。[16]
Three years later, after China had agreed to treaty revisions, Congress tried again to exclude working-class Chinese laborers; Senator John F. Miller of California introduced another Chinese Exclusion Act that blocked entry of Chinese laborers for a twenty-year period.[29] The bill passed the Senate and House by overwhelming margins, but this as well was vetoed by President Chester A. Arthur, who concluded the 20-year ban to be a breach of the renegotiated treaty of 1880. That treaty allowed only a “reasonable” suspension of immigration. Eastern newspapers praised the veto, while it was condemned in the Western states. Congress was unable to override the veto, but passed a new bill reducing the immigration ban to ten years.[29][30] The House of Representatives voted 201–37, with 51 abstentions, to pass the act.[31] Although he still objected to this denial of entry to Chinese laborers, President Arthur acceded to the compromise measure, signing the Chinese Exclusion Act into law on May 6, 1882.[29][30]
【参考译文】三年后，中国同意修订条约后，国会再次尝试排除劳工阶层的华人移民；加州参议员约翰·F·米勒提出了另一项《排华法案》，将华人劳工入境禁令延长至20年。该法案在参议院和众议院以压倒性多数通过，但这同样遭到了总统切斯特·A·阿瑟的否决，他认为20年的禁令违反了1880年重新谈判的条约。该条约只允许“合理”暂停移民。东海岸的报纸赞扬了否决权，而在西部各州则受到谴责。国会未能推翻否决，但通过了一项新法案，将移民禁令缩短为十年。[29][30]众议院以201票对37票，51票弃权，通过了该法案。[31]虽然总统阿瑟仍然反对这一拒绝华人劳工入境的做法，但他接受了折衷方案，于1882年5月6日签署了《排华法案》成为法律。[29][30]
After the act was passed, most Chinese workers were faced with a dilemma: stay in the United States alone or return to China to reunite with their families.[32][6] Although widespread dislike for the Chinese persisted well after the law itself was passed, of note is that some capitalists and entrepreneurs resisted their exclusion because they accepted lower wages.[33]
【参考译文】法案通过后，大多数中国工人面临着两难选择：独自留在美国，或是回国与家人团聚。[32][6]尽管对该法律的广泛反感在其通过后长时间存在，值得注意的是，一些资本家和企业家反对排斥华人，因为他们接受较低的工资。[33]
When the exclusion act expired in 1892, congress extended it 10 more years in the form of the Geary Act. This extension was then made permanent in 1902 which led to every Chinese American ordered to gain a certificate of residence from the US government or face deportation. This act regulated Chinese immigration into the 20th century.[34]
【参考译文】当排华法案在1892年到期时，国会通过《吉里法案》将其延长了10年。这一延长措施在1902年被永久化，导致每一名华裔美国人被命令从美国政府获取居留证明，否则将面临驱逐。这一法案将对华人移民的管制带入了20世纪。[34]
2. 法案内容 | Content
The Act was the first U.S. immigration law to target a specific ethnicity or nationality.[12]: 25 The earlier Page Act of 1875 had prohibited immigration of Asian forced laborers and sex workers, and the Naturalization Act of 1790 prohibited naturalization of non-white subjects. The Chinese Exclusion Act excluded Chinese laborers, meaning “skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining”, from entering the country for ten years under penalty of imprisonment and deportation.[35][36]
【参考译文】该法案是美国第一部针对特定族群或国籍的移民法。[12]: 25 之前的1875年《佩奇法案》已禁止亚洲契约劳工和性工作者移民，而1790年《归化法》则禁止非白人成为归化公民。《排华法案》禁止中国劳工——意即“熟练与非熟练劳工及在矿业中雇用的华人”——在十年内入境，违者将面临监禁和驱逐出境的处罚。[35][36]
《排华法案》是在美国历史上针对自由移民所作出的最重大的限制之一。该法案通过监禁和驱逐的惩戒方式禁止“被矿井雇佣的有技能或无技能的华人劳工们”在10年之内进入美国。仅仅因为种族，许多华人被残酷地控制住了。[19][20]少数想要移民的非劳工华人不得不从中国政府那里获得保证以证明他们有资格移民，但证明这一点显然太过困难。[20]
沃普认为《排华法案》被认为是美国排斥华人法律的起始点，原因在于用词不当。她建议开展有关种族、性别和美国国籍的交流从而令双方了解对于这样一种历史性倾向（包括1875年的Page法案）的控制并促使女性华人的移民。[21]
The Chinese Exclusion Act required the few non-laborers who sought entry to obtain certification from the Chinese government that they were qualified to emigrate. However, this group found it increasingly difficult to prove that they were not laborers[36] because the 1882 Act defined excludables as “skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining”. Thus very few Chinese could enter the country under the 1882 law. Diplomatic officials and other officers on business, along with their house servants, for the Chinese government were also allowed entry as long as they had the proper certification verifying their credentials.[37]
【参考译文】《排华法案》要求少数非劳工身份的华人入境前需获得中国政府的证明，证实他们符合移民资格。然而，这个群体发现越来越难以证明自己不是劳工[36]，因为1882年的法案将被排除的人定义为“熟练和非熟练劳工以及在矿业中就业的华人”。因此，根据1882年法律，很少有华人能够进入美国。只要具备恰当的证明文件确认其身份，为中国政府服务的外交官员和其他官员及其家仆也被允许入境。[37]
The Chinese Exclusion Act also affected the Chinese who had already settled in the United States. Any Chinese who left the United States had to obtain certifications for reentry, and the act made Chinese immigrants permanent aliens by excluding them from U.S. citizenship.[35][36] After the act’s passage, Chinese men in the U.S. had little chance of ever reuniting with their wives, or of starting families in their new abodes.[35]
【参考译文】《排华法案》还影响了已经在美国定居的华人。任何离开美国的华人必须获得重新入境的证明，该法案通过排除他们成为美国公民，使华裔移民成为永久的外国人。[35][36]法案通过后，在美的华人男子几乎没有机会与妻子团聚，也无法在新居地组建家庭。[35]
Amendments made in 1884 tightened the provisions that allowed previous immigrants to leave and return and clarified that the law applied to ethnic Chinese regardless of their country of origin.[38] The 1888 Scott Act expanded upon the Chinese Exclusion Act, prohibiting reentry into the U.S. after leaving.[39] Only teachers, students, government officials, tourists, and merchants were exempt.[31]
【参考译文】1884年的修正案收紧了允许前期移民离境并返回的规定，并明确表示该法律适用于无论原籍国为何的华人。[38]1888年的《斯科特法案》在此基础上扩展了《排华法案》，禁止离境后再入境美国。[39]只有教师、学生、政府官员、游客和商人才被豁免。[31]
1892年的《吉尔里法案》将《排华法案》的有效性延长了10年。1902年，该法案再次被无限期延长。[20]当1902年该法案延长时效时，它命令“每一个华人居民注册并取得居留证明。如果没有证明就会被驱逐出境。”[20]
Constitutionality of the Chinese Exclusion Act and the Scott Act was upheld by the Supreme Court in Chae Chan Ping v. United States (1889); the Supreme Court declared that “the power of exclusion of foreigners [is] an incident of sovereignty belonging to the government of the United States as a part of those sovereign powers delegated by the constitution”. The act was renewed for ten years by the 1892 Geary Act, and again with no terminal date in 1902.[36] When the act was extended in 1902, it required “each Chinese resident to register and obtain a certificate of residence. Without a certificate, he or she faced deportation.”[36]
【参考译文】《排华法案》和《斯科特法案》的合宪性在“蔡灿平诉美国案”（1889年）中得到了最高法院的支持；最高法院宣布，“外国人排除权是主权权利之一，属于美国政府，作为宪法委托的部分主权权力。” 该法案在1892年通过《吉里法案》被延长十年，并在1902年再次延长，且未设终止日期。[36]1902年法案延期时，要求“每位华人居民登记并获得居住证明。没有证明，他或她将面临驱逐。”[36]
Between 1882 and 1905, about 10,000 Chinese appealed against negative immigration decisions to federal court, usually via a petition for habeas corpus.[40] In most of these cases, the courts ruled in favor of the petitioner.[40] Except in cases of bias or negligence, these petitions were barred by an act that passed Congress in 1894 and was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in U.S. vs Lem Moon Sing (1895). In United States v. Ju Toy (1905), the U.S. Supreme Court reaffirmed that the port inspectors and the Secretary of Commerce had final authority on who could be admitted. Ju Toy’s petition was thus barred despite the fact that the district court found that he was an American citizen. The Supreme Court determined that refusing entry at a port does not require due process and is legally equivalent to refusing entry at a land crossing. All these developments, along with the extension of the act in 1902, triggered a boycott of U.S. goods in China between 1904 and 1906.[41] There was one 1885 case in San Francisco, however, in which Treasury Department officials in Washington overturned a decision to deny entry to two Chinese students.[42]
【参考译文】1882年至1905年间，约有1万名华人就负面移民裁定向联邦法院提出上诉，通常是通过人身保护令请愿。[40]在大多数案件中，法院裁决支持请愿人。[40]除了偏见或疏忽的情况外，1894年国会通过的一项法案禁止了这些请愿，该法案在1895年的“美国诉林满星案”中被美国最高法院维持。在“美国诉朱托伊案”（1905年）中，美国最高法院重申，港口检查员和商务部长对谁可以入境拥有最终决定权。尽管地区法院发现朱托伊是美国公民，但他的请愿仍被禁止。最高法院认定，拒绝在港口入境不需要正当程序，且在法律上等同于拒绝陆地过境入境。所有这些发展，加上1902年法案的延长，引发了1904年至1906年间中国对美国商品的抵制。[41]然而，1885年在旧金山有一个案例，财政部官员在华盛顿推翻了拒绝两名中国学生入境的决定。[42]
这条法令在中国引发了一场短暂的、针对对美国商品的联合抵制。
One of the critics of the Chinese Exclusion Act was the anti-slavery/anti-imperialist Republican senator George Frisbie Hoar of Massachusetts who described the act as “nothing less than the legalization of racial discrimination”.[43]
【参考译文】《排华法案》的批评者之一是来自马萨诸塞州的反奴隶制/反帝国主义共和党参议员乔治·弗里斯比·霍尔，他将该法案描述为“无异于种族歧视的合法化”。[43]
The laws were driven largely by racial concerns; immigration of persons of other races was not yet limited.[44] On the other hand, most people and unions strongly supported the Chinese Exclusion Act, including the American Federation of Labor and Knights of Labor, a labor union, who supported it because it believed that industrialists were using Chinese workers as a wedge to keep wages low.[45] Among labor and leftist organizations, the Industrial Workers of the World were the sole exception to this pattern. The IWW openly opposed the Chinese Exclusion Act from its inception in 1905.[46]
【参考译文】这些法律的出台很大程度上是出于种族方面的考虑；彼时对其他种族的移民尚无限制。[44]另一方面，大多数人和工会强烈支持《排华法案》，包括美国劳工联合会和劳工骑士团（一个劳工联盟），它们支持该法案是因为它们认为工业家利用中国劳工作为压低工资的手段。[45]在劳工和左翼组织中，唯有“世界产业工人联盟”（Industrial Workers of the World, IWW）是个例外。IWW自1905年成立以来就公开反对《排华法案》。[46]
The racial concerns the Exclusion Act drew justification from were along the lines of a perceived ‘moral deficiency’ of Chinese immigrants, this charge stipulated the inherent unreliability and dishonesty of the immigrants on behalf of their race.[23][21] These assumptions of character were frequently assigned on behalf of the poor communities these immigrants lived in with higher density, higher crime, saloons and opium dens.[23] This is however not an exhaustive list of charges brought against Chinese immigrants, many more assumptions were made such as them bringing leprosy to US shores.[21] Some of the main proponents of this racialism were Irish immigrants in the West,[47] the reason for this was that although granted entry under the Naturalization Act of 1790 as a free ‘white’ people, the large numbers of immigrants from Europe starting in the 1840’s created a situation where different white ethnicities were being made out to be more or less desirable compared to Anglo-Saxons.[48] In such a way the Celtic Irish in the east faced similar racialism at the hands of nativists, being categorized as ‘dirty’, ‘drunken’, and ‘animalistic papists’.[49][48] In this way, under Denis Kearney and the Workingman’s Party, many Irish immigrants who had migrated westward sought to shore up their ‘whiteness’ and redirect stereotypes about themselves by stressing the undesirability of the Chinese, non-white immigrants.[49]
【参考译文】《排华法案》所依据的种族忧虑主要围绕着对华裔移民所谓“道德缺陷”的看法，这种指控认为，基于其种族特性，这些移民本质上不可靠、不诚实。[23][21]这些关于品格的假设常常是基于这些移民所居住的高密度、高犯罪率、充斥着酒馆和鸦片窟的贫困社区。[23]然而，这并不是针对华裔移民的全部指控，还有许多其他的假设，比如他们将麻风病带到美国的海岸。[21]这些种族主义的主要推动者之一是西部的爱尔兰移民，[47]原因是尽管他们在1790年的《归化法》下作为自由的“白人”获准入境，但从19世纪40年代开始，大量来自欧洲的移民造成了不同白人民族相比盎格鲁-撒克逊人在不同程度上的受欢迎或不受欢迎的局面。[48]这样一来，东部的凯尔特爱尔兰人也面临着本土主义者手中的种族主义，被归类为“肮脏”、“酗酒”和“动物般的天主教徒”。[49][48]通过丹尼斯·凯里和工人党的活动，许多西迁的爱尔兰移民试图巩固他们的“白人”身份，并通过强调华人的不可取之处，重定向关于自己的刻板印象。[49]
For all practical purposes, the Chinese Exclusion Act, along with the restrictions that followed it, froze the Chinese community in place in 1882. Limited immigration from China continued until the repeal of the act in 1943. From 1910 to 1940, the Angel Island Immigration Station on what is now Angel Island State Park in San Francisco Bay served as the processing center for most of the 56,113 Chinese immigrants who are recorded as immigrating or returning from China; upwards of 30% more who arrived there were returned to China.[50] The Chinese population in the U.S. declined from approximately 105,000 in 1880, to 89,000 in 1900, and to 61,000 in 1920.[31]
【参考译文】实际上，《排华法案》及其后续的限制措施在1882年冻结了华人社区的状态。对中国的有限移民一直持续到1943年该法案被废除。从1910年到1940年，位于现天使岛州立公园的天使岛移民站是记录在案的56,113名中国移民（包括从中国移民或返回的）的处理中心；到达那里后被送回中国的比例超过了30%。[50]美国的华人人口从1880年的大约10.5万减少到1900年的8.9万，再到1920年的6.1万。[31]
Certain federal agencies were active in the 19th century to enforce the Exclusion Act. The Customs Service took the lead on this because of the maritime nature. In the 1900s the Office of the Superintendent of Immigration was established by the Department of the Treasury and given responsibility for implementing federal regulations mandated by the Chinese exclusion laws. This organization is now known as the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS).[51]
【参考译文】在19世纪，某些联邦机构积极执行《排华法案》。由于其海事性质，海关署在这方面走在了前面。到20世纪初，财政部成立了移民事务总监办公室，并赋予其执行由《排华法案》规定的联邦法规的责任。这个组织现在被称为移民归化局（INS）。[51]
The act exempted merchants, and restaurant owners could apply for merchant visas beginning in 1915 after a federal court ruling. This led to the rapid growth of Chinese restaurants in the 1910s and 1920s as restaurant owners could leave and reenter along with family members from China.[52]
【参考译文】该法案豁免了商人，而从1915年起，餐馆老板可以根据联邦法院的裁决申请商人签证。这导致了20世纪10年代和20年代中国餐馆的迅速增长，因为餐馆老板可以与来自中国的家庭成员一起离开和重新入境。[52]
Later, the Immigration Act of 1924 restricted immigration even further, excluding all classes of Chinese immigrants and extending restrictions to other Asian immigrant groups.[35] Until these restrictions were relaxed in the middle of the twentieth century, Chinese immigrants were forced to live a life separated from their families, and to build ethnic enclaves in which they could survive on their own (Chinatown).[35] The Chinese Exclusion Act did not address the problems that whites were facing; in fact, the Chinese were quickly and eagerly replaced by the Japanese, who assumed the role of the Chinese in society. Unlike the Chinese, some Japanese were even able to climb the rungs of society by setting up businesses or becoming truck farmers.[53] However, the Japanese were later targeted in the Immigration Act of 1924, which banned immigration from East Asia entirely. The Chinese Exclusion Act was a tool with an aim to, maintain cheap accessible labor while stopping the excess population of Chinese immigrants from taking jobs from white Americans.
【参考译文】后来，《1924年移民法》进一步限制了移民，不仅排除了所有类别的中国移民，还将限制扩展到其他亚洲移民群体。[35]直到20世纪中叶这些限制放松之前，华裔移民被迫过着与家人分离的生活，并在他们能够自给自足的唐人街建立民族飞地。《排华法案》并未解决白人面临的难题；事实上，华人很快被日本人取代，后者在社会中接替了华人的角色。与华人不同，一些日本人甚至通过开设企业或成为卡车农场主，在社会阶梯上取得了一定的晋升。[53]然而，日本人在《1924年移民法》中也成为目标，该法完全禁止了来自东亚的移民。《排华法案》是一个旨在保持廉价易得的劳动力，同时阻止过多的华裔移民人口夺走白人美国人的工作的工具。
In 1891, the Chinese government refused to accept U.S. senator Henry W. Blair as U.S. minister to China due to his abusive remarks regarding China during negotiations of the Chinese Exclusion Act.[54] The American Christian George F. Pentecost spoke out against Western imperialism in China, saying:[55]
【参考译文】1891年，中国政府因美国参议员亨利·W·布莱尔在《排华法案》谈判期间对中国的侮辱性言论，拒绝接受他为美国驻华公使。[54]美国基督教徒乔治·F·潘特科斯特对中国反对西方帝国主义发声，他说：[55]
I personally feel convinced that it would be a good thing for America if the embargo on Chinese immigration were removed. I think that the annual admission of 100,000 into this country would be a good thing for the country. And if the same thing were done in the Philippines those islands would be a veritable Garden of Eden in twenty-five years. The presence of Chinese workmen in this country would, in my opinion, do a very great deal toward solving our labor problems. There is no comparison between the Chinaman, even of the lowest coolie class, and the man who comes here from Southeastern Europe, from Russia, or from Southern Italy. The Chinese are thoroughly good workers. That is why the laborers here hate them. I think, too, that the emigration to America would help the Chinese. At least he would come into contact with some real Christian people in America. The Chinaman lives in squalor because he is poor. If he had some prosperity his squalor would cease.
“我个人坚信，如果取消对中国移民的禁令，对美国来说将是一件好事。我认为，每年接纳10万移民到这个国家将对国家大有裨益。如果在菲律宾也采取同样的做法，那些岛屿在25年内将成为真正的伊甸园。华工在美国的存在，我认为，将在很大程度上有助于解决我们的劳工问题。在华工，即使是最低级的苦力，和从东欧、俄罗斯或意大利南部来这里的人之间，没有可比性。中国人是彻底的勤劳工人。这就是为什么这里的劳工恨他们。我也认为，移民到美国会帮助中国人。至少他会接触到美国的一些真正基督徒。中国人生活在贫民窟，因为他贫穷。如果他有了些繁荣，他的贫民窟状态就会消失。”
3. “驱逐”时期 | The “Driving Out” period
Following the passing of the Chinese Exclusion Act, a period known as the “Driving Out” era was born. In this period, anti-Chinese Americans physically forced Chinese communities to flee to other areas. Large scale violence in Western states included the Rock Springs massacre (1885) and the Hells Canyon massacre (1887).[56]
【参考译文】《排华法案》通过后，迎来了一个被称为“驱逐时期”的时代。在这段时间里，反华的美国民众通过武力迫使华人社群逃离到其他地区。西部各州发生了大规模的暴力事件，包括岩泉大屠杀（1885年）和地狱峡谷大屠杀（1887年）。[56]
3.1 1885 年岩泉屠杀 | Rock Springs massacre of 1885
Main article: Rock Springs massacre【主条目：岩泉屠杀】
The massacre was named for the town where it took place, Rock Springs, Wyoming, in Sweetwater County, where white miners were jealous of the Chinese for their employment. White miners expressed their jealous frustration by robbing, bullying, shooting, and stabbing the Chinese in Chinatown. The Chinese tried to flee but many were burned alive in their homes, starved to death in hidden refuge, or exposed to carnivorous animal predators in the mountains. Some were rescued by a passing train, but by the end of the event at least twenty-eight lives had been taken.[57]
【参考译文】这场屠杀以发生地命名，即怀俄明州斯威特沃特县的洛克斯普林斯镇。在这里，白人矿工因嫉妒受雇的中国劳工而心生不满。白人矿工通过抢劫、欺凌、枪击和刺伤等方式，在唐人街向中国人发泄他们的嫉妒情绪。中国人试图逃离，但许多人被活活烧死在家中，有些人在隐蔽的避难所中饿死，还有些人在山中遭到了食肉动物的袭击。有一部分人幸运地被一列经过的火车救出，但事件结束时，至少已有28人丧生。[57]
In an attempt to appease the situation, the government intervened by sending federal troops to protect the Chinese. However, only compensations for destroyed property were paid. No one was arrested nor held accountable for the atrocities committed during the riot.[57]
【参考译文】为了平息事态，政府介入，派遣联邦军队保护中国人。然而，仅对被毁坏的财产进行了赔偿，没有一人因暴乱中犯下的滔天罪行被捕或被追究责任。[57]
3.2 1887 年赫尔斯峡谷大屠杀 | Hells Canyon massacre of 1887
Main article: Hells Canyon Massacre【主条目：赫尔斯峡谷大屠杀】
The massacre was named for the location where it took place, along the Snake River in Hells Canyon near the mouth of Deep Creek. The area contained many rocky cliffs and white rapids that together posed significant danger to human safety. 34 Chinese miners were killed at the site. The miners were employed by the Sam Yup company, one of the six largest Chinese companies at the time, which worked in this area since October 1886. The actual events are still unclear due to unreliable law enforcement at the time, biased news reporting, and lack of serious official investigations. However, it is speculated that the dead Chinese miners were not victims of natural causes, but rather victims of gun shot wounds during a robbery committed by a gang of seven armed horse thieves.[58] Gold worth $4,000–$5,000 was thought to have been stolen from the miners. The gold was never recovered nor further investigated.
|【参考译文】这场屠杀以其发生的地点命名，即地狱峡谷深处溪口附近的蛇河沿岸。该地区多峭壁和湍急的白色急流，对人身安全构成了极大威胁。有34名中国矿工在此遇害。这些矿工受雇于三邑公司，这是当时六大华人公司之一，自1886年10月起就在这一区域工作。由于当时执法不可靠、新闻报道带有偏见以及缺乏严肃的官方调查，实际事件的真相仍然模糊不清。然而，据推测，遇难的中国矿工并非死于自然原因，而是被一伙七人的武装马贼在抢劫过程中开枪打死的。[58]据信，价值4000至5000美元的黄金被盗自这些矿工。这批黄金从未被找回，也未再进行深入调查。
3.2.1 善后 | The aftermath
Shortly following the incident, the Sam Yup company of San Francisco hired Lee Loi who later hired Joseph K. Vincent, then U.S. Commissioner, to lead an investigation. Vincent submitted his investigative report to the Chinese consulate who tried unsuccessfully to obtain justice for the Chinese miners. At around the same time, other compensation reports were also unsuccessfully filed for earlier crimes inflicted on the Chinese. In the end, on October 19, 1888, Congress agreed to greatly under-compensate for the massacre and ignore the claims for the earlier crimes. Even though the amount was greatly underpaid, it was still a small victory to the Chinese who had low expectations for relief or acknowledgement.[58]
【参考译文】事件发生后不久，旧金山的三邑公司聘请了李来，并由他后续聘请了时任美国专员的约瑟夫·K·文森特领导调查。文森特将调查报告提交给了中国领事馆，试图为受害的中国矿工伸张正义，但未能成功。大约在同一时期，针对之前加诸中国人身上的其他罪行所提出的补偿报告也均未获得成功。最终，在1888年10月19日，国会同意对屠杀事件给予远低于应有标准的赔偿，并忽略了对先前罪行的索赔要求。尽管赔偿金额远远不足，但对于期望值本就不高的中国人来说，这仍然是一个小小的胜利，至少得到了某种程度的承认。[58]
3.2.2 该法案的问题 | Issues of the act
The Chinese Exclusion Act created fear and violence within Chinese communities as a result of immigration raids made legal through the Chinese Exclusion Act. During these raids they were at risk of being questioned, detained, or physically or verbally assaulted.[59] Targeting the Chinese was a day-to-day risk due to the anti-Chinese sentiment generated through the Chinese Exclusion Act their community was in danger.
【参考译文】《排华法案》的出台引发了对华人社区的恐惧和暴力，因为该法案使针对华人移民的突袭合法化。在这些突袭中，华人面临着被盘问、拘留或遭受身体、言语攻击的风险。[59]由于《排华法案》煽动了反华情绪，针对华人的行动成为日常威胁，整个华人社区都处于危险之中。
An issue with the Chinese Exclusion act is that it established ‘gatekeeping ideologies’ within the US. Demonstrated through the act’s mythological approach to restrict, exclude, and deport those believed to be ‘undesirable’. The qualities associated with being ‘undesirable’ were categorized through individuals’ race, gender, and class.[2] Purposely excluding those who worked to build America, contribute to their economy, and build a home. This was the first American law ‘gatekeeping’ the country based on those who were not seen as worthy enough to enter based on race.
【参考译文】《排华法案》的一个问题是，它在美国确立了一种“把关意识形态”。该法案通过神话化的手段来限制、排斥和驱逐那些被认为“不受欢迎”的人，体现了这一点。被视为“不受欢迎”的特质是根据个人的种族、性别和阶级来划分的。[2]该法案刻意排除了那些为建设美国、促进其经济发展和建立家园做出贡献的人。这是美国第一部基于种族筛选，认为某些人不够资格进入国家而设置门槛的法律。
Another issue was there were many workarounds that people quickly created to bypass the Chinese Exclusion Act. Chinese women would travel to Canada to get a marriage license in order to reunite with their families.[60] Men and women would walk across the American border intending to be arrested, to demand to go to court and claim they were born in America through providing a witness a witness of their birth.[61] While the American and Canadian government did discover these workarounds and new laws were created, these methods still were accessible for several years after the exclusion act.
【参考译文】另一个问题是，人们迅速找到了许多规避《排华法案》的方法。中国妇女会前往加拿大获取结婚许可，以便与家人团聚。[60]男性和女性会故意步行穿越美国边境以被逮捕，然后要求上法庭，并通过提供出生证明的证人来声称自己是在美国出生的。[61]虽然美国和加拿大政府后来发现了这些规避手段并制定了新的法律，但在排华法案实施后的几年里，这些方法仍然可行。
4. 国际发展对此的影响 | Impact of international developments
In the American effort to change many aspects of the Burlingame Treaty, the U.S. took advantage of China’s weakened position on the international stage. China was dealing with various challenging situations, such as the French government establishing a protectorate over Vietnam, which was a tributary country to China for a long time.[62] More importantly, it faced the Senkaku Islands dispute with Japan. Ex-President Ulysses S. Grant visited China in 1879, Viceroy Li Hongzhang, an important diplomat, told Grant that if the U.S. helped China pressure the Japanese out of Senkaku Islands, he would make a concession on the Chinese immigration issue. This paved the way for the Angell Treaty of 1880, which greatly diminished Chinese immigrants’ rights and interests.[63] The Angell Treaty opened the door for the complete prohibition of Chinese immigrants, as politicians realised that the immigrant question was not a priority for the Chinese Government, and that China was weak, meaning that even if they had violate the treaties, China would not invade or create major problems. Overall, this shows how the U.S. used its foreign relations with China to achieve its own domestic objectives.
【参考译文】在美国试图改变《蒲安臣条约》的诸多方面时，美国利用了中国在国际舞台上被削弱的地位。当时中国正面临各种挑战，例如法国政府在越南建立保护国，而越南长期以来一直是中国的附庸国。[62] 更重要的是，中国还面临着与日本的钓鱼岛争端。前总统尤利西斯·S·格兰特于 1879 年访问中国，当时的重要外交官、总督李鸿章告诉格兰特，如果美国帮助中国迫使日本人撤出钓鱼岛，他将在中国移民问题上做出让步。这为 1880 年的《安格尔条约》铺平了道路，该条约大大削弱了中国移民的权利和利益。[63] 《安格尔条约》为全面禁止中国移民打开了大门，因为政治家们意识到移民问题不是中国政府的优先事项，而且中国很弱，这意味着即使他们违反条约，中国也不会入侵或制造重大问题。总的来说，这表明美国如何利用与中国的外交关系来实现自己的国内目标。
4.1 清政府的反应
自1876年（清光绪二年）起清政府曾不断对美国迫害华侨提出抗议，然美国政府一直推脱责任，或干脆不予置理。
1884年（清光绪十年），清政府与美国签定新的条约，10年内禁止华工赴美。
1891年（清光绪十七年），中国政府因为美国参议员亨利·W·布莱尔在《排华法案》谈判期间发表了有关中国的侮辱性言论而拒绝接受其出任公使访问中国。[31]
1904年（清光绪三十年）4月27日，美国国会通过将所有排华法案无限期延长的议案，激起中国人民极大愤慨，于1905年爆发了抵制美货运动，迫使美国政府下令放宽教师、学生、商人和旅游者的入境限制，但并未废除该法案。
5. 影响与结果
《排华法案》以及随之而来的一系列限制在1882年冻结了所有的华人社团。有限制的华人移民仍在继续，直到1943年《排华法案》被废止。此外， 1906年旧金山大地震摧毁了市政厅和档案室之后，许多被称作“契约儿子”（paper sons，即，冒充他人儿子的身份前往美国的男性华人）的移民声称他们与许多现存的华裔美国公民有着亲属关系。这些人的“契约儿子”身份的真伪已经无法证实。因此从1910年到1940年，旧金山湾的天使岛移民站（即现在的加州天使岛州立公园）, 处理了约17.5万华人， 其中56,113名记录在案的华人移民或者等待遣送回国的华人里的入境申请，其中有30%以上的华人被遣返回了中国。
《排华法案》导致了第一波大规模的商业性人口走私浪潮，之后这样的行为又扩散到了其他国家和种族团体当中。[27]
后来，1924年的《移民法案》更加严格地限制了移民，排斥了所有阶层的华人移民，并且将限制扩展到了其他亚洲的种族团体。[19]华人移民被迫与外界隔离，并且构建一个他们能够自给自足的社会团体（中国城，或唐人街），直到一系列限制在20世纪中期被放宽。
此外，《排华法案》并未解决这样一个白人面临着的问题：事实上，华人很快就迅速且急切地被在社会中扮演着性质与华人相似的角色的日本人所取代。与华人不同，一些日本人甚至能够通过经商或种植、贩卖农作物来提高自己的社会等级。[28]不过后来，1924年专门针对日本人的《排亚法案》彻底杜绝了亚洲移民。
1885年在怀俄明州的石泉煤矿，150名白人矿工公然闯入唐人街开枪，杀害28名华人，震惊全国，警方随即逮捕16名嫌疑犯。当地工团劳工骑士团扬言要驱逐华人，在1886年押解华人到达码头后，西雅图警方赶赴现场制止，法院发出人身保护令并派民团随身保护。隔日，当民团护送华人到唐人街时被一群暴徒攻击，民团开枪打死两人，西雅图的华盛顿州政府宣布戒严，将华人全数运走。因此，即便在整个排华历史中，美国政府经常动用警察、军队保护华人免受暴力攻击[29]。
纪录片《排华法案》描绘了其后可怕的暴力浪潮（包括大规模私刑），乃至1882年后在美国西部约300个城镇发生的种族清洗。[30]
5.1 法案对中美关系的影响 | Impact on U.S.-China relations
Prior to the approval of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882, relations between China and the United States were generally positive. This was mainly because of the Burlingame Treaty, a treaty which included the right of Chinese people to free immigration and travel within the U.S., and protection of Chinese citizens residing in the United States.[64] Moreover, the treaty gave the two countries reciprocal access to education and schooling when living in the other country. Although the U.S. viewed China as an inferior partner, nevertheless the relationship was positive. American politicians and presidents continued to maintain and uphold the treaty, for example, President Rutherford B. Hayes vetoed bills that contrasted the Burlingame Treaty.[65]
【参考译文】在1882年《排华法案》通过之前，中美两国之间的关系大体上是积极的。这主要是因为《蒲安臣条约》的存在，该条约赋予了中国人在美国自由移民和旅行的权利，以及保护居住在美国的中国公民。此外，该条约还给予两国人民在对方国家接受教育和学校教育的互惠准入。尽管美国将中国视为一个次要伙伴，但两国关系仍然是积极的。美国政界人士和总统继续维护并支持该条约，例如，拉瑟福德·B·海斯总统就否决了与《蒲安臣条约》相抵触的议案。
As tensions grew domestically in the U.S. however, Hayes began a revision of the Treaty and China agreed to limit immigration to the U.S. However, once discussions began to enforce the Chinese Exclusion Act, and the law was then passed, “the Chinese Government considered this a direct insult”.[66] Furthermore, when the USA extended the law to Hawaii and the Philippines, this was greatly objected by the Chinese Government and people, who viewed America as a bullish and imperial power who undermined China.[67]
【参考译文】然而，随着美国国内紧张局势的加剧，海斯开始对条约进行修订，中国同意限制向美国的移民。但是，一旦开始讨论执行《排华法案》，并且该法案最终获得通过，“中国政府认为这是直接的侮辱”。此外，当美国将该法律扩展到夏威夷和菲律宾时，中国政府和民众对此表示强烈反对，他们视美国为一个傲慢的帝国主义力量，蔑视中国。
5.2 法案对女人的影响 | Impact on women
The Chinese Exclusion Act had many impacts on Chinese women. As such, unique categories were created in the act to prevent their entry, so that the main way they immigrated was through marrying Chinese or native men. The interrogation was similar to male workers, except they had specific questions regarding bound feet in the early period: women with feet that had been bound tended to be from wealthy families, unbound feet were a sign of being from a low class and so were seen as less desirable by US border officers.[61]
【参考译文】《排华法案》对华人女性产生了诸多影响。该法案特别设立了一些类别以阻止她们入境，因此她们移民美国的主要途径是通过与华人或本地男性结婚。她们所接受的审查与男性劳工相似，但在早期阶段有一个特别的问题涉及到缠足：缠过足的女性往往来自富裕家庭，而未缠足则被视为来自较低阶层，因此不太受美国边境官员的青睐。
Many women were forced to find alternative immigration methods to be able to reunify with loved ones after the Chinese Exclusion Act. Women would marry or even re-marry their partners in Canada so that they were approved for immigration to join their merchant husbands in America. These women navigated and successfully overcame the US government in their many workarounds of the Chinese Exclusion Act. The Chinese Exclusion Act significantly impacted single women. Married women had better chances of immigration due to their merchant husbands. However, for single women it was nearly impossible to immigrate. Often the presumption was if they were single Chinese women they were prostitutes or were to be sold into prostitution.[61]
【参考译文】《排华法案》实施后，许多女性被迫寻找其他途径以便能与亲人团聚。女性会与伴侣在加拿大结婚，甚至是重婚，以便获得批准移民到美国与在那里作为商人的丈夫团聚。这些女性巧妙应对，成功地绕过了美国政府针对《排华法案》实施的种种限制。《排华法案》对单身女性的影响尤为显著。而已婚女性由于有商人丈夫的缘故，移民的机会相对较大。但对于单身女性来说，移民几乎不可能。当时普遍的假设是，如果她们是单身的中国女性，那么她们要么是妓女，要么将会被卖入妓院。
5.3 法案对美国教育的影响 | Impact on education in the U.S.
Recruitment of foreign students to U.S. colleges and universities was an important component in the expansion of American influence. International education programs allowed students to learn from the examples provided at elite universities and to bring their newfound skill sets back to their home countries. As such, international education has historically been seen as a vehicle for improving diplomatic relations and promoting trade. The US Exclusion Act, however, forced Chinese students attempting to enter the country to provide proof that they were not trying to bypass regulations.[49] Laws and regulations that stemmed from the act made for less than ideal situations for Chinese students, leading to criticisms of American society.[49] Policies and attitudes toward Chinese Americans in the US worked against foreign policy interests by limiting the ability of the U.S. to participate in international education initiatives.[68]
【参考译文】美国高校招募外国留学生是扩大其国际影响力的重要组成部分。国际教育项目使学生得以从顶尖大学的成功案例中学习，并将新获得的技能带回自己的国家。因此，国际教育历来被视为改善外交关系和促进贸易的一种手段。然而，《排华法案》迫使试图入境美国的中国学生提供证明，表明他们并非试图规避相关规定。[49]该法案衍生出的法律和规定给中国学生造成了不尽如人意的境况，引发了对美国社会的批评。[49]针对在美华裔的政策和态度有悖于外交政策利益，限制了美国参与国际教育交流倡议的能力。[68]
5.4 法案对美国经济的影响 | Impact on the U.S. economy
The Chinese Exclusion Act affected the US economy substantially.[69] The departure of many skilled and unskilled Chinese workers led to an across-the-board decline. Mines and manufacturers in California, where the majority of Chinese immigrants resided, closed and wages did not climb as anticipated. Furthering this, the value of agricultural produce declined due to falling demand reflective of the diminished population.[70] Joaquin Miller remarked in 1901 that since the Chinese departure, property value in Californian cities had remained at a standstill and capital investment had been hesitant.[71]
【参考译文】《排华法案》对美国经济产生了重大影响。[69]许多熟练和非熟练华工的离开导致了全面的经济下滑。在多数华人移民聚居的加利福尼亚州，矿场和制造商纷纷关闭，工资水平也没有如预期那样上涨。此外，由于人口减少导致需求下降，农产品的价值也随之下滑。[70]乔阿金·米勒在1901年指出，自华人离开后，加州城市的房产价值停滞不前，资本投资也变得犹豫不决。[71]
5.5 法案对美国此后立法的影响 | Impact on further U.S. legislation
The Act was the first legislature which prohibited entry to an immigrant based on race and class, in this way it facilitated further restriction by both being the model by which future groups could be radicalized as unassimilable aliens, and by also marking a moment where such discrimination could be justifiable.[2] The act’s method of ‘Radicalizing’ the Chinese as a threat to Americas’ values and working class, ‘containing’ the danger by limiting their social and geographic mobility, and ‘defending’ America through expulsion became the foundation of Americas ‘Gate keeping’ ideology.[2] The 1924 Immigration act placed quotas on all nationalities apart from northwest Europe, this could be seen as building off the gate-keeping ideology established with the Chinese exclusion act; Public perceptions of many immigrant groups such as southern and eastern Europeans in the late 19th and early 20th century had become one of ‘undesirability’ when compared to those with Anglo-Saxon heritage, this was due largely to popular nativity attitudes and accepted racialism.[2][48] In this way, the restriction of these groups by 1924 compared to their north western ‘desirable’ counterparts could be seen to be carrying on the discrimination by perceived racial inferiority of immigrants that started with the Chinese exclusion act.[2]
【参考译文】该法案是第一部基于种族和阶级禁止特定移民入境的立法，它不仅为将来可能被极端化为不可同化的外来者的群体树立了模式，也标志着这样歧视行为可以被正当化的时刻，从而为后续的限制措施铺平了道路。[2]该法案通过将华人“激进化”为对美国价值观和工人阶级的威胁、“遏制”这一威胁通过限制他们的社会活动和地理移动性，以及通过驱逐“捍卫”美国，成为了美国“把关”意识形态的基础。[2]1924年的《移民法案》对除西北欧以外的所有国籍都设定了配额，这可以看作是建立在《排华法案》确立的“把关”意识形态之上的发展；19世纪末至20世纪初，相对于盎格鲁-撒克逊血统的人群，许多移民群体，如南欧和东欧人，公众对他们的看法已经变成了“不受欢迎”，这很大程度上是由于当时流行的本土主义情绪和被广泛接受的种族主义观念所致。[2][48]这样一来，相较于他们西北欧那些“受欢迎”的对应群体，1924年对这些群体的限制，可以被视为延续了始于《排华法案》的、基于移民种族低劣性的歧视行为。[2]
6. 法案废除和现状 | Repeal and status
The Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed by the 1943 Magnuson Act when China had become an ally of the U.S. against Japan in World War II, as the U.S. needed to embody an image of fairness and justice. The Magnuson Act permitted Chinese nationals already residing in the country to become naturalized citizens and stop hiding from the threat of deportation. The act also allowed Chinese people to send remittances to people of Chinese descent living in mainland China, Macao, Hong Kong, and Taiwan and other countries or territories, especially if the funding is not tied to criminal activity. However, the Magnuson Act only allowed a national quota of 105 Chinese immigrants per year and did not repeal the restrictions on immigration from the other Asian countries.
【参考译文】《排华法案》在1943年被马格努森法案废除，彼时中国已成为美国在二战中对抗日本的盟友，美国需要展现公平正义的形象。马格努森法案允许已居住在美国的中国国民归化为公民，并免除了被驱逐出境的威胁。该法案还允许中国人向居住在中国大陆、澳门、香港、台湾及其他国家或地区的华人后代汇款，特别是当资金转移不涉及犯罪活动时。然而，马格努森法案每年仅允许105名中国移民的国家配额，并未取消对来自其他亚洲国家移民的限制。
The crackdown on Chinese immigrants reached a new level in its last decade, from 1956 to 1965, with the Chinese Confession Program launched by the Immigration and Naturalization Service, that encouraged Chinese who had committed immigration fraud to confess, so as to be eligible for some leniency in treatment.[citation needed] Large-scale Chinese immigration did not occur until the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965.
【参考译文】1956年至1965年间，美国移民归化局发起的“华人自首计划”使得对华人移民的打击达到了新的高度，该计划鼓励曾犯有移民欺诈罪行的华人自首，以便能够获得较为宽大的处理。[需要引证]大规模的华人移民直到1965年《移民与国籍法》通过后才真正发生。
The first Chinese immigrants who entered the United States under the Magnuson Act were college students who sought to escape the warfare in China during World War II and study in the U.S. The establishment of the People’s Republic of China and its entry into the Korean War against the U.S., however, created a new threat in the minds of some American politicians: American-educated Chinese students bringing American knowledge back to “Red China”. Many Chinese college students were almost forcibly naturalized, even though they continued to face significant prejudice, discrimination, and bullying. One of the most prolific of these students was Tsou Tang, who would go on to become the leading expert on China and Sino-American relations during the Cold War.[72]
【参考译文】第一批依据马格努森法案进入美国的中国移民是大学生，他们旨在逃离二战期间中国的战乱并在美国求学。然而，中华人民共和国的成立及其后在朝鲜战争中与美国为敌，这在一些美国政客心中形成了新的威胁：担心受美国教育的中国学生会将美国的知识带回“红色中国”。许多中国大学生几乎是被迫归化，尽管他们仍面临显著的偏见、歧视和欺凌。其中最有成就的一位学生便是邹谠，他后来成为了冷战期间研究中国及中美关系的顶尖专家。[72]
Although the Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed in 1943, the law in California prohibiting non-whites from marrying whites was not struck down until 1948, in which the California Supreme Court ruled the ban of interracial marriage within the state unconstitutional in Perez v. Sharp.[73][74] Some other states had such laws until 1967, when the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously ruled in Loving v. Virginia that anti-miscegenation laws across the nation are unconstitutional.
【参考译文】尽管《排华法案》在1943年被废除，但加利福尼亚州禁止非白人与白人通婚的法律直到1948年才被推翻。在帕瑞斯诉夏普案（Perez v. Sharp）中，加州最高法院裁定州内禁止跨种族婚姻的法律违宪。[73][74]直到1967年，美国最高法院在洛文诉弗吉尼亚案（Loving v. Virginia）中一致裁决全国范围内的反异族通婚法均属违宪，其他一些州保留此类法律的做法才宣告结束。
Even today,[when?] although all its constituent sections have long been repealed, Chapter 7 of Title 8 of the United States Code is headed “Exclusion of Chinese”.[75] It is the only chapter of the 15 chapters in Title 8 (Aliens and Nationality) that is completely focused on a specific nationality or ethnic group. Like the following Chapter 8, “The Cooly Trade”, it consists entirely of statutes that are noted as “Repealed” or “Omitted”.
【参考译文】即使到了今天，[何时？]虽然其所有构成部分早已被废除，美国法典第8篇第7章的标题仍然是“排除中国人”。[75]在第8篇（外国人与国籍）的15个章节中，它是唯一一个完全集中于特定国籍或族群的章节。类似于接下来的第8章，“苦力贸易”，该章节全部由被标注为“已废止”或“已省略”的法规组成。
2009年6月23日，加州众议院通过正式决议，为曾经通过针对华人的歧视性法律道歉。[37]
On June 18, 2012, the U.S. House of Representatives passed H.Res. 683, a resolution introduced by Congresswoman Judy Chu which formally expresses the regret of the House of Representatives for the Chinese Exclusion Act.[76] S.Res. 201, a similar resolution, had been approved by the U.S. Senate in October 2011.[77]
【参考译文】2012年6月18日，美国众议院通过了由赵美心议员提出的H.Res. 683号决议案，正式表达了众议院对中国《排华法案》的遗憾之情。[76]类似的决议案S.Res. 201已于2011年10月经美国参议院批准。[77]
2012年6月18日，美国国会通过正式决议，为曾经针对华人的歧视性法律道歉，但无任何赔偿。[来源请求]
In 2014, the California Legislature took formal action to pass measures that formally recognize the accomplishments of Chinese Americans in California and to call upon Congress to formally apologize for the 1882 adoption of the Chinese Exclusion Act. Senate Republican leader Bob Huff (R-Diamond Bar) and incoming Senate president pro-Tem Kevin de León (D-Los Angeles) served as joint authors for Senate Joint Resolution (SJR) 23[78] and Senate Concurrent Resolution (SCR) 122,[79] respectively.[80]
【参考译文】2014年，加州立法机构采取正式行动，通过一系列措施，正式承认华裔美国人在美国加州所取得的成就，并呼吁国会就1882年通过的《排华法案》正式道歉。参议院共和党领袖鲍勃·胡夫（Bob Huff，代表钻石吧区）和即将上任的参议院临时议长凯文·德莱昂（Kevin de León，代表洛杉矶区）分别担任参议院联合决议（SJR 23）[78]和参议院一致决议（SCR 122）[79]的共同作者。[80]
Both SJR 23 and SCR 122 acknowledge and celebrate the history and contributions of Chinese Americans in California. The resolutions also formally call on Congress to apologize for laws that resulted in the persecution of Chinese Americans, such as the Chinese Exclusion Act.[78][79]
【参考译文】SJR 23和SCR 122两项决议案都承认并赞扬了华裔美国人在美国加州的历史与贡献。这些决议案还正式呼吁国会为导致华裔美国人遭受迫害的法律，比如《排华法案》，正式道歉。[78][79]
Perhaps most important are the sociological implications for understanding ethnic/race relations in the context of American history; minorities tend to be punished in times of economic, political, and/or geopolitical crises. Times of social and systemic stability, however, tend to mute any underlying tensions between different groups. In times of societal crisis—whether perceived or real—patterns of retractability of American identities have erupted to the forefront of America’s political landscape, often generating institutional and civil society backlash against workers from other nations, a pattern documented by Fong’s research into how crises drastically alter social relationships.[81]
【参考译文】或许最为重要的是其对理解美国历史背景下种族/民族关系的社会学意义；少数族裔往往在经济、政治或地缘政治危机时期受到惩罚。然而，在社会和体制稳定时期，不同群体间的潜在紧张关系往往会得到缓解。但在社会危机时期——无论是感知中的还是实际存在的——美国身份的可收缩性特征会突显于美国政治舞台的前沿，常常引发对其他国家劳工的制度性和公民社会层面的抵制，这种模式在方（Fong）的研究中有所记录，该研究表明危机如何极大地改变社会关系。[81]
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