李光耀 / Lee Kuan Yew -（全文）中英文维基百科词条融合

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0. 概述

【辽观注】此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

0.1 文字说明

【辽观注】此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

李光耀 GCMG CH SPMJ DK（1923年9月16日—2015年3月23日），新加坡第一任总理，人民行动党的元老兼创始人之一。1959年，李光耀开始担任总理长达31年，1990年卸下总理职务，转任国务资政和内阁资政继续掌权，直至2011年才从内阁退休。

Lee Kuan Yew GCMG CH SPMJ DK (born Harry Lee Kuan Yew; 16 September 1923 – 23 March 2015), often referred to by his initials LKY, was a Singaporean statesman and lawyer who served as the first Prime Minister of Singapore from 1959 to 1990, and Secretary-General of the People’s Action Party from 1954 to 1992. He was the Member of Parliament (MP) for Tanjong Pagar from 1955 until his death in 2015. Lee is widely recognised as the founding father of the modern Singaporean state, and for his leadership in turning and transforming it into a highly developed country during his tenure.
【参考译文】李光耀 GCMG CH SPMJ DK（生名 Harry Lee Kuan Yew；1923 年 9 月 16 日 – 2015 年 3 月 23 日）通常以他的姓名首字母缩写 LKY 来称呼他，是一位新加坡政治家和律师，曾任新加坡第一任总理（1959 年至 1990 年）和人民行动党秘书长（1954 年至 1992 年）。他自 1955 年起担任丹戎巴葛国会议员，直至 2015 年逝世。李光耀被广泛认为是现代新加坡国家的开国元勋，并在任内发挥领导作用，将新加坡转变为一个高度发达的国家。

Lee was born in Singapore during British colonial rule. After graduating from Raffles Institution, he won a scholarship to Raffles College, now the National University of Singapore. During the Japanese occupation, Lee escaped being the victim of a purge,^[2] before subsequently starting his own businesses while working as an administration service officer for the Japanese propaganda office. After World War II ended, Lee briefly attended the London School of Economics before transferring to Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge to study law, graduating with a double first degree in 1947. He was called to the Bar from the Middle Temple in 1950. Upon his return to Singapore, he practised as an advocate and solicitor whilst campaigning for the British to relinquish their colonial rule.
【参考译文】李光耀出生于英国殖民统治时期的新加坡。从莱佛士书院毕业后，他获得了奖学金进入莱佛士学院（现为新加坡国立大学）学习。在日本占领期间，李光耀幸免于一次清洗行动，并在此期间担任日本宣传办公室的行政服务官员的同时开始了自己的创业。第二次世界大战结束后，李光耀短暂地在伦敦经济学院学习，随后转学到剑桥大学菲茨威廉学院学习法律，并于1947年以双一等学位毕业。1950年，他从中殿律师学院获得律师资格。回到新加坡后，他作为一名律师执业，同时积极争取让英国放弃殖民统治。

Lee co-founded the People’s Action Party (PAP) in 1954 and won his first seat at the Tanjong Pagar division during the 1955 general election. He became the de facto opposition leader in parliament, to Chief Ministers David Marshall and Lim Yew Hock of the Labour Front. Lee led his party to its first electoral victory in 1959 and was appointed the state’s first prime minister. To attain complete home rule from Britain, Lee campaigned for a merger with other former British territories in a national referendum to form Malaysia in 1963. Racial strife and ideological differences later led to Singapore’s expulsion from Malaysia and subsequent independence in 1965, less than two years after the merger.
【参考译文】李光耀在1954年共同创立了人民行动党（PAP），并在1955年的选举中赢得了丹戎巴葛选区的第一个议席。他在议会中成为事实上反对党的领导人，对抗劳工阵线的首席部长大卫·马歇尔和林有福。1959年，他带领他的政党取得了首次选举胜利，并被任命为该州的第一任总理。为了从英国手中实现完全自治，李光耀发起了一场运动，与其他前英国领土合并，并通过全民公投于1963年成立马来西亚。后来由于种族冲突和意识形态差异，导致新加坡在合并不到两年后的1965年被驱逐出马来西亚并随之独立。

With overwhelming parliamentary control at every general election, Lee oversaw Singapore’s transformation into a developed country with a high-income economy within his premiership. In the process, he forged a highly effective, anti-corrupt government and civil service. Lee eschewed populist policies in favour of long-term social and economic planning, championing civic nationalism through meritocracy^[3] and multiracialism^[4][5] as governing principles, making English the lingua franca^[6] to integrate its immigrant society and to facilitate trade with the world, whilst mandating bilingualism in schools to preserve the students’ mother tongue and ethnic identity.^[6] Lee stepped down as prime minister in 1990, but remained in the Cabinet under his successors, holding the appointments of Senior Minister until 2004, then Minister Mentor until 2011. He died of pneumonia on 23 March 2015, at the age of 91. In a week of national mourning, about 1.7 million residents and world leaders paid tribute to him at his lying-in-state at Parliament House and community tribute sites.
【参考译文】在每一次大选中都获得了压倒性的议会控制权，李光耀监督了新加坡在其任期内转变为拥有高收入经济的发达国家。在此过程中，他建立了一个高效且清廉的政府和公务员体系。李光耀放弃了民粹主义政策，转而支持长期的社会和经济规划，提倡通过精英制度和多元种族主义作为治国原则，将英语作为通用语言以融合其移民社会并促进与世界的贸易往来，同时在学校推行双语教育以保留学生的母语和民族身份。李光耀在1990年卸任总理职务，但在继任者领导下继续留在内阁，直到2004年担任资政，并在2011年前担任内阁资政。他于2015年3月23日因肺炎去世，享年91岁。在全国哀悼的一周内，约有170万居民和世界各国领导人前往国会大厦和社区纪念地点向他致敬。

An advocate for Asian values and a proponent of Realpolitik pragmatism,^[7] Lee’s premiership was described as authoritarian^[8][9][10] by the Western world or as a sort of guided democracy by scholars and the media.^[11][12] He was criticised for curtailing press freedoms, imposing narrow limits on public protests, restricting labour movements from industrial or strike action through anti-union legislation and co-option,^[13] and bringing defamation lawsuits against prominent political opponents.^[14][15] Lee directly responded to such critiques by stating that “If Singapore is a nanny state, then I am proud to have fostered one”.^[16] In addition, others have also argued that his actions were necessary and vital for the country’s early development. Lee has been often described a benevolent dictator who fostered social wellbeing within an illiberal democratic framework.^[17][18] Lee continues to be held in high regard by Singaporeans.^[19][20]
【参考译文】李光耀倡导亚洲价值观，提倡现实政治实用主义[7]。西方世界认为李光耀的总理生涯是独裁统治[8][9][10]，学者和媒体则认为他是一种有指导的民主[11][12]。他被批评限制新闻自由、对公众抗议施加狭隘限制、通过反工会立法和拉拢来限制劳工运动进行工业或罢工行动[13]，并对著名政治对手提起诽谤诉讼。[14][15]李光耀直接回应了这些批评，他说：“如果新加坡是一个保姆国家，那么我很自豪能培育出这样一个国家”。[16]此外，其他人也认为，他的行动对该国早期的发展是必要和至关重要的。李光耀经常被描述为一位仁慈的独裁者，在非自由民主框架内促进社会福祉。[17][18]李光耀继续受到新加坡人的高度尊重。[19][20]

李光耀是个极具争议的威权主义者，支持者赞赏他领导的政府清廉，反对者则指责他强硬的执政风格和对政治异议的严厉镇压，认为他对言论自由和政治多样性的限制过于严格^[1][2][3]。2006年9月李光耀因发表“马来西亚和印尼政府有系统边缘化华人”言论引起与邻国马来西亚和印尼的外交风波^[4]。

2015年3月23日，李光耀因重症肺炎医治无效逝世。马来西亚前首相马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德在其部落格发表了主题为《光耀与我》的文章，马哈蒂尔认为随着李光耀的逝世，东南亚国家联盟再也没有类似李光耀及印尼第二任总统苏哈托的强势派领导^[5]。

0.2 概况表格

【辽观注】此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

The Honourable Lee Kuan Yew GCMG CHSPMJ DK 李光耀
1st Prime Minister of Singapore / 新加坡第1任总理
In office / 任期 5 June 1959 – 28 November 1990 / 1965年8月9日—1990年11月28日
Monarchs 【在任时的君主】	Elizabeth II (1959–1963)【伊丽莎白二世（英国君主）（1959-1963）】 Putra of Perlis (1963–1965)【玻璃市王储（马来西亚元首）（1963-1965）】
President 【在任时的总统】	Yusof Ishak / 优素福·伊沙克 Benjamin Sheares / 本杰明·薛尔思 Devan Nair / 蒂凡那 Wee Kim Wee / 黄金辉
Deputy【副职】	Toh Chin Chye / 杜进才 Goh Keng Swee / 吴庆瑞 S. Rajaratnam / 拉惹勒南 Goh Chok Tong / 吴作栋 Ong Teng Cheong【王鼎昌】
Preceded by 【前任】	Office established【职位创立】 Lim Yew Hock (as Chief Minister)【林有福（作为首席部长）】
Succeeded by 【继任】	Goh Chok Tong / 吴作栋
Member of Parliament / 新加坡国会议员 for Tanjong Pagar / 丹戎巴葛
In office【任期】 22 April 1955 – 23 March 2015【1955年4月22日 – 2015年3月23日】
Preceded by 【前任】	Constituency established / 选区创立
Succeeded by 【继任】	Indranee Rajah (PAP) / 英兰妮·拉杰
Constituency 【选区】	Tanjong Pagar SMC(1955–1991)Tanjong Pagar GRC(1991–2015) 【1955-1991：丹戎巴葛单选区 1991-2015：丹戎巴葛集选区（丹戎巴葛-中峇鲁）】
Secretary-General of the People’s Action Party / 第1任新加坡人民行动党行政委员会秘书长
In office【任期】 21 November 1954 – 14 November 1992【1954年11月21日 – 1992年11月14日】
Chairman 【主席】	Toh Chin Chye / 杜进才（1954年—1981年） Ong Teng Cheong / 王鼎昌（1981年—1993年）
Preceded by 【前任】	Position established / 职位创立
Succeeded by 【继任】	Goh Chok Tong / 吴作栋

Personal details · 个人资料
Born / 出生	Harry Lee Kuan Yew / 哈里·李光耀 16 September 1923 / 1923年9月16日 Singapore, Straits Settlements / 海峡殖民地新加坡
Died / 逝世	23 March 2015 (aged 91) / 2015年3月23日（91岁） Singapore /  新加坡
Cause of death 【死因】	Pneumonia【肺炎】
Resting place 【安葬地】	Mandai Crematorium and Columbarium【万礼火葬场和骨灰龛】
Political party / 政党	People’s Action Party / 人民行动党（1955年—2015年）
Spouse / 配偶	Kwa Geok Choo​​(m. 1950; died 2010)​ / 柯玉芝（1950年结婚—2010年丧偶）
Children / 儿女	Lee Hsien Loong (son) / 李显龙 Lee Wei Ling (daughter) / 李玮玲 Lee Hsien Yang (son) / 李显扬
Parents 【父母】	Lee Chin Koon (father)【李进坤（父亲）】 Chua Jim Neo (mother)【蔡认娘（母亲）】
Relatives / 亲属	Lee family【李氏家族】
Education / 母校	Raffles College / 莱佛士书院 London School of Economics / 伦敦政治经济学院 Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge (BA) / 剑桥大学菲茨威廉学院
Chinese name【中文名】
Chinese【中文】	李光耀

1. 早期生活 | Early life

1.1 早期与儿时学业 | Childhood and early education

Lee was born on 16 September 1923, the first child of Lee Chin Koon, a Semarang-born Singaporean,^[21] and Chua Jim Neo, at 92 Kampong Java Road in Singapore, then part of the British Empire.^[22] Both of Lee’s parents were English-educated third-generation Straits Chinese,^[23] with his paternal side being of Hakka descent from Dabu County.^[24][25] He was named ‘Kuan Yew’,^[a] meaning ‘light and brightness’, alternately meaning ‘bringing great glory to one’s ancestors’. Lee’s paternal grandfather Lee Hoon Leong, who was described as “especially westernised”, had worked on British ships as a purser, and hence gave Lee the Western name ‘Harry’.^[26] While the family spoke English as its first language, Lee also learned Malay.^[22] Lee would have three brothers and one sister, all of whom lived to old age.^[27]
【参考译文】李光耀生于1923年9月16日，是李进坤和蔡认娘的第一个孩子，出生在当时属于英帝国的新加坡加冷古达路92号。李进坤是一位出生于印尼三宝垄的新加坡人，而蔡认娘则是他的妻子。李光耀的父母都是受过英文教育的第三代海峡华人，他的父系祖先是来自大埔县的客家人。他的名字“Kuan Yew”意为“光明”，也可解释为“给祖先带来极大的荣耀”。李光耀的祖父李云龙被描述为“特别西化”，曾在英国船只上担任事务长，因此给他取了英文名‘Harry’。尽管家庭的主要语言是英语，李光耀也学会了马来语。李光耀后来有了三个弟弟和一个妹妹，他们都活到了高龄。

李光耀有三弟一妹，其二弟李金耀（英文名：Dennis）与李光耀一样曾于剑桥大学修读法律，其后与兄长开设律师事务所；三弟李天耀（英文名：Freddy）曾经为一间股票证券行主席；妹李金满；四弟李祥耀为一名医生，曾于剑桥大学修读医学。

Lee was not close to his father, who worked as a storekeeper within the Shell Oil Company and had a gambling addiction. His mother Chua would often stand up against her husband for his poor financial management and parenting skills.^[28] The family was considered prosperous with a high social standing compared to recent immigrants and had the means to hire servants.^[29] During the Great Depression the family fortunes declined considerably, though Lee’s father retained his job at Shell.^[22] Later in life, Lee described his father as a man with a nasty temper and credited his mother with holding the family together amidst her husband’s gambling addiction.^[30][31]
【参考译文】李光耀与他的父亲关系并不亲密，他的父亲在壳牌石油公司担任仓库管理员，并且有赌博瘾。他的母亲蔡认娘经常因为丈夫糟糕的财务管理能力和育儿方式而与其争执。家庭相比起新移民来说较为富裕且社会地位较高，有能力雇用佣人。但在大萧条期间，家庭的经济状况大幅下滑，尽管如此，李光耀的父亲依然保住了在壳牌的工作。晚年时，李光耀形容他的父亲是一个脾气暴躁的人，并且感谢他的母亲在丈夫赌博成瘾的情况下维系了家庭的完整。

In 1930, Lee enrolled at Telok Kurau English School where he spent six years of his primary education.^[32][33] Attending Raffles Institution in 1935, Lee did poorly in his first two years but later topped the Junior Cambridge examinations.^[34] He also joined the Scouts and partook in several physical activities and debates.^[35] Lee was the top scorer in the Senior Cambridge examinations in 1940 across the Straits Settlements and Malaya, gaining the John Anderson scholarship to attend Raffles College.^[b] During the prize-awarding ceremony, Lee met his future wife Kwa Geok Choo; she was the only girl at the school.^[34] His subsequent university studies at Raffles College were disrupted by the onset of World War II in Asia, with the school being converted into a medical facility in 1941. The war arrived in December of that year and following the British surrender in February 1942, the Japanese occupation of Singapore began.^[36]
【参考译文】1930年，李光耀进入加冷爪哇英文学校，度过了六年的初等教育时光。1935年，李光耀进入了莱佛士书院，在最初的两年成绩不佳，但后来在初级剑桥考试中名列前茅。他还加入了童子军，并参加了多项体育活动和辩论。1940年，李光耀在包括海峡殖民地和马来亚地区的高级剑桥考试中获得了最高分，并因此赢得了约翰·安德森奖学金，得以进入莱佛士学院学习。在颁奖典礼上，李光耀遇到了他未来的妻子柯玉珠；她是学校里唯一的一名女生。随后，他在莱佛士学院的大学学习因亚洲二战爆发而中断，学校在1941年被改造成了一所医疗机构。战争在同年12月到来，并在1942年2月英国投降后，开始了日本对新加坡的占领。

1942年开始学习中文和日文，成为首届官方日语考试毕业生后1943-1945年间于大日本帝国大本营陆军参谋部报道部工作^[8]。

1.2 求学、婚姻与政治 | University, marriage and politics

Lee chose not to return to Raffles College after the war and pursued higher education in the United Kingdom.^[28] He sailed from Singapore on his 23rd birthday on the MV Britannic, arriving in the UK on 3 October.^[52] He initially enrolled at the London School of Economics, but found himself disliking life in the British capital.^[53][54] He visited Cambridge in November and was introduced to W. S. Thatcher, Censor of Fitzwilliam House. He was admitted into the following year’s Lent term and matriculated in January 1947, reading law at Fitzwilliam College.^[55]
【参考译文】战后，李光耀选择不再返回莱佛士学院，而是前往英国深造。他在23岁生日那天乘坐MV Britannic号轮船从新加坡出发，于10月3日抵达英国。最初，他注册了伦敦经济学院，但发现自己不喜欢在英国首都的生活。11月，他访问了剑桥，并结识了菲茨威廉学堂的审查员W. S. Thatcher。他被录取进入次年的Lent学期，并于1947年1月正式入学，在菲茨威廉学院攻读法律。

在留英初期，李光耀就读于伦敦经济学院，并在学习时受到导师哈罗德·拉斯基的社会主义理论影响，逐渐展现反对英国殖民统治倾向，但却在后期一直以“反共者”著称。他曾在他的回忆录中表示，“之所以讨厌共产党人，根源在于他们采用列宁主义的方法，不在于他们的马克思主义理想。”一年后，李光耀转到剑桥大学攻读法律，并于1949年考获双重一等荣誉学位，名列榜首毕业，随后取得律师资格。1950年，他与以前在莱佛士书院的同学柯玉芝结婚。

Prior to his departure from Singapore, Lee had begun a relationship with Kwa, whom he had kept in contact during the war. They married in secret at Stratford-upon-Avon in December.^[28] Lee achieved a first class result in both the Prelims and Part I of the Tripos, and graduated with a Starred First for Part II Law in 1949. As the top student of his cohort, he was awarded the Fitzwilliam’s Whitlock Prize; Lee was called to the Bar from the Middle Temple in 1950.^[55]
【参考译文】在离开新加坡之前，李光耀已经开始与柯玉芝交往，他们在战争期间一直保持着联系。两人于12月在斯特拉特福德秘密结婚。李光耀在初试和三一考试的第一部分都取得了第一名的成绩，并在1949年以最优等的成绩完成了法律专业的第二部分考试。作为那一届的顶尖学生，他被授予了菲茨威廉学院的Whitlock奖。1950年，李光耀从中殿律师学院获得了律师资格。

If you value fairness and social justice, not only to the people of Britain but also to the millions of British subjects in the colonies, return another Labour government.
【参考译文】如果你珍视公平和社会正义，不仅是对英国人民，也对殖民地中的数百万英属臣民，那就重新选举一个工党政府。

Lee to voters in the Totnes constituency^[56]
【参考译文】李光耀致托特尼斯选区的选民们。

During his studies, Lee’s political convictions and anti-colonial sentiments were hardened by personal experiences and an increasing belief that the British were ruling Singapore for their own benefit. He supported the Labour Party against the Conservatives whom he perceived as opposing decolonisation.^[57] In the leadup to the 1950 United Kingdom general election, Lee engaged in politics for the first time and actively campaigned for a friend, David Widdicombe in Totnes constituency, driving Widdicombe around in a lorry and delivering several speeches on his behalf.^[58]
【参考译文】在求学期间，李光耀的政治信念和反殖民情绪因个人经历和日益增长的对英国统治新加坡只为自身利益的看法而变得坚定。他支持工党而非保守党，因为他认为保守党反对去殖民化。在1950年英国大选前夕，李光耀首次参与政治活动，积极为他在托特尼斯选区的朋友David Widdicombe助选，开着卡车带着Widdicombe四处奔波，并代表他发表了几场演讲。

Before returning to Singapore, Lee dropped his English name, Harry.^[c] Notwithstanding, even until the end of his life, old friends and relatives referred to him as Harry.^[60]
【参考译文】在返回新加坡之前，李光耀放弃了他英文名字“Harry”。不过，即使到他生命的最后，老朋友和亲戚仍然称呼他为Harry。

2. 早期职业生涯（1951–1955年）| Early career (1951–1955)

2.1 诉讼实践 | Litigation practice

1950年，还在英国的李光耀加入了一个由旅居当地的东南亚人所组成的、以争取马来亚独立为目标的团体“马来亚论坛”。同年8月，李光耀回到新加坡，开始从事律师工作。

Lee and his wife returned to Singapore in August 1950 on board the MS Willem Ruys.^[61] He joined the Laycock and Ong law firm founded by British lawyer John Laycock.^[62] Laycock was a co-founder of the pro-British Progressive Party and Lee represented the party during the 1951 legislative council election as an election agent.^[63] Lee was called to the Singapore bar on 7 August 1951.^[64]
【参考译文】李光耀和他的妻子于1950年8月乘坐MS Willem Ruys号轮船返回新加坡。他加入了由英国律师John Laycock创办的Laycock & Ong律师事务所。Laycock是亲英派的进步党的联合创始人，而李光耀在1951年的立法委员会选举中作为选举代理人代表该党。1951年8月7日，李光耀获得了新加坡律师资格。

During the postal union strike in May 1952, Lee negotiated a settlement which would mark his first step into the labour movement.^[65] In due course, Lee represented nearly fifty trade unions and associations against the British authorities on a pro bono basis.^[66] The disputes often centered around wages and Laycock eventually requested Lee to cease taking on such cases as it was hurting the firm.^{[67][68] [69]}
【参考译文】在1952年5月的邮政工会罢工中，李光耀协商达成了一项协议，这标志着他踏入了劳工运动的第一步。随后，李光耀无偿代表近五十个工会和协会对抗英国当局。这些争议常常围绕工资问题展开，Laycock最终要求李光耀停止接手此类案件，因为这些案件损害了事务所的利益。

In May 1954, the left-wing University Socialist Club published an article ‘Aggression in Asia’ in the club’s magazine The Fajar, and the student editors were charged with sedition.^[70][71] Lee became junior counsel to Denis Pritt. The court squashed the charges and the two counsel gained a reputation through the trial, with Lee thereafter becoming a “major leader” of the movement against British rule.^[72][73] During the same year, Lee also appealed on behalf of the students arrested during the 13 May incident. The colonial government upheld the sentences, though the case enhanced Lee’s reputation as a “left-wing lawyer” and marked his first involvement with the Chinese intelligentsia.^[74][75]
【参考译文】1954年5月，左翼的大学社会主义俱乐部在其杂志《Fajar》上发表了一篇文章《亚洲的侵略》，学生编辑们因此被指控煽动罪。李光耀成为Denis Pritt的副手律师。法庭驳回了指控，两位律师通过这次审判获得了声誉，李光耀也因此成为了反对英国统治运动的“主要领导者”。同年，李光耀还为5月13日事件中被捕的学生进行了辩护。虽然殖民政府维持了判决，但此案提升了李光耀作为“左翼律师”的声誉，并标志着他首次与中国知识分子群体接触。

2.2 建立人民行动党 | Forming the PAP

1954年10月，李光耀与一些从英国回来的华人、当地受华文教育的左派学生和工会领袖成立人民行动党，参加次年举行的首届选举。这次选举中，李光耀本人顺利当选立法议会议员，开始与新加坡方面马来亚共产党（“马共”）负责人林清祥等人合作，为新加坡争取自治地位。

During his studies in Britain, Lee met Goh Keng Swee and Toh Chin Chye via the Malayan Forum.^[76] The forum sought to promote an independent Malaya which included Singapore and met at 44 Bryanston Square in London.^[77][78] Lee and his contemporaries deliberately avoided the topic of forming a political party to avoid charges of subversion, beginning work on forming a political party only after returning to Singapore.^[79]
【参考译文】在英国求学期间，李光耀通过马来亚论坛认识了吴庆瑞和陈钦贤。该论坛旨在推动包括新加坡在内的独立马来亚，并在伦敦布莱斯顿广场44号举行会议。为了避免被指控颠覆，李光耀和他的同僚们刻意避开了成立政党的话题，直到回到新加坡后才开始着手组建政党。

Lee had sought to build support among the English-educated, Malay, and Indian communities by taking on cases against the British authorities. In the course of his work, Lee became acquainted with the journalist Sinnathamby Rajaratnam; Abdul Samad Ismail, a writer for the Malay newspaper Utusan Melayu; and Devan Nair.^[80] He next turned his attention to the Chinese-speaking majority and was introduced to Lim Chin Siong and Fong Swee Suan, leaders of the influential bus and factories unions. While the unions had been infiltrated by communists, Lee consciously sought their support as he wanted a popular front.^[81] With elections approaching in 1955, Lee and his associates debated the name, ideology, and policies of the party they wanted to create at 38 Oxley Road.^[82]
【参考译文】李光耀通过接手针对英国当局的案件，试图在受英文教育的人群、马来族和印度族社区中建立支持。在工作的过程中，李光耀结识了记者Sinnathamby Rajaratnam；马来报纸《Utusan Melayu》的撰稿人Abdul Samad Ismail；以及Devan Nair。接下来，他将注意力转向了占多数的讲华语的群体，并被介绍给了公交和工厂工会的领袖林清祥和方水双。尽管这些工会已经被共产党渗透，但李光耀有意寻求他们的支持，因为他想要建立一个广泛的民众阵线。随着1955年选举的临近，李光耀和他的同事们在乌节路38号就他们想要创建的政党的名称、理念和政策展开了讨论。

The People’s Action Party (PAP) was inaugurated on 21 November 1954 at the Victoria Memorial Hall. As the party still lacked members, trade union leaders rounded up an estimated audience of 800 to 1,500 supporters.^[83] Lee had also invited Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tan Cheng Lock, presidents of the United Malays National Organisation and Malayan Chinese Association. In his inaugural speech, Lee denounced the British for the slow transition to self-rule, demanded their immediate withdrawal, and said that the PAP would pursue a Singapore-Malaya union. Lee became secretary-general of the party, a post he held until 1992, barring a brief period in 1957.^[84][85]
【参考译文】人民行动党（PAP）于1954年11月21日在维多利亚纪念堂成立。由于当时党成员仍然不足，工会领袖召集了大约800至1500名支持者到场。李光耀还邀请了马来亚民族组织和马来亚中华大会堂的主席东姑阿都拉曼和陈嘉庚。在他的成立演讲中，李光耀谴责了英国在向自治过渡上的迟缓，要求英国立即撤出，并表示人民行动党将追求新加坡与马来亚的联合。李光耀成为了该党的秘书长，这一职位他一直担任到1992年，除了1957年的一个短暂时期。

In July 1953, Governor John Nicoll initiated the Rendel Commission to provide for a transition to self-rule. The commission created the legislative assembly and opened 25 of 32 seats for direct contest in the upcoming 1955 election. The PAP and Labour Front, led by Lee and David Marshall respectively, both criticised the concessions as “inadequate”. The PAP faced manpower constraints but decided to prioritise resources and contest four seats as a protest gesture.^[86] In a rally speech, Lee said he chose the Tanjong Pagar division as it was a “working class area” and that he did not want to represent “wealthy merchants or landlords”.^[87]
【参考译文】1953 年 7 月，总督约翰·尼科尔发起成立了林德委员会，为自治过渡做准备。该委员会成立了立法议会，并在即将到来的 1955 年选举中开放了 32 个议席中的 25 个供直接竞选。李光耀和大卫·马绍尔分别领导的人民行动党和劳工阵线都批评这些让步“不够”。人民行动党面临人力限制，但决定优先考虑资源，并竞选四个议席以示抗议。[86] 李光耀在一次集会演讲中表示，他选择丹戎巴葛区是因为这是一个“工人阶级地区”，他不想代表“富商或地主”。[87]

During the campaigning period, the British press labelled Lee as a “commissar” and accused the PAP of being a “communist-backed party”.^[88] Democratic Party (DP) challenger Lam Thian also capitalised on Lee’s inability to converse in Chinese. Lee’s proposal for a multilingual debate was never reciprocated by Thian, though he eventually made his maiden Chinese speech after several hours of coaching.^[89][90] On polling day, 2 April, the ruling Progressive Party captured only four seats, shocking both the British establishment and its opposition. Lee defeated his competitors and won Tanjong Pagar, with the PAP winning three of their four contested seats. He pledged to work with Marshall and the new Labour Front government.^[91]
【参考译文】在竞选期间，英国媒体称李光耀为“政委”，并指责人民行动党是“共产党支持的政党”。[88] 民主党挑战者林天也利用了李光耀不会用中文交流的弱点。李光耀提议进行多语言辩论，但林天从未回应，尽管经过几个小时的指导后，他最终发表了自己的首场中文演讲。[89][90] 4 月 2 日投票日，执政的进步党只赢得了四个席位，震惊了英国建制派和反对派。李光耀击败竞争对手，赢得了丹戎巴葛，人民行动党赢得了四个竞选席位中的三个。他承诺与马绍尔和新工党阵线政府合作。[91]

As independent member Ahmad Ibrahim joined PAP following the election, PAP had 4 members in the Assembly and thus Lee became the new Leader of the Opposition.^[92]
【参考译文】由于独立议员艾哈迈德·依布拉欣在大选后加入人民行动党，人民行动党在立法会中拥有 4 名议员，因此李光耀成为新的反对党领袖。[92]

3. 反对党领袖（1955-1959年）| Leader of the Opposition (1955–1959)

3.1 罢工与权力斗争 | Strikes and power struggle

Any man in Singapore who wants to carry the Chinese-speaking people with him cannot afford to be anti-Communist. The Chinese are very proud of China. If I had to choose between colonialism and communism, I would vote for communism and so would the great majority.
【参考译文】在新加坡，任何想要得到讲华语人群支持的人，都无法承受成为反共分子。华人以中国为荣。如果我必须在殖民主义和共产主义之间做出选择，我会投票给共产主义，绝大多数人也会如此。

Lee to an Australian journalist a week before the riot^[93]
【参考译文】李光耀在骚乱发生前一周对一位澳大利亚记者说。

On 23 April 1955, workers from the Hock Lee Amalgamated Bus Company began a strike under the direction of Fong Swee Suan, leader of the Singapore Buses Workers’ Union (SBWU).^[94][95] As SBWU’s legal advisor, Lee worked with Marshall’s government to negotiate a resolution, which was initially agreed by the SBWU but then reneged on by the company.^[96] Seeking to exert greater pressure, Lee, Fong and Lim Chin Siong addressed the strikers on 1 May (May Day), where Lee called the government a “half-past six democracy”.^[97] The strike subsequently escalated into a riot on 12 May.^[98]
【参考译文】1955年4月23日，Hock Lee联合巴士公司的工人在新加坡巴士工人联合会（SBWU）领导人方水双的领导下开始了罢工。作为SBWU的法律顾问，李光耀与马歇尔政府合作以寻求解决办法，这一解决方案最初得到了SBWU的同意，但随后被公司单方面撕毁。为了施加更大的压力，李光耀、方水双和林清祥在5月1日（五一劳动节）对罢工者发表了讲话，李光耀称政府为“六点半民主”。随后，罢工在5月12日升级为骚乱。

Lee, Marshall and the company agreed on a further resolution on 14 May, which conceded to several of the strikers’ demands.^[99] In an emergency legislative assembly sitting on 16 May, Chief Secretary William Goode accused Lee of losing control of the PAP to Lim.^[96] Lee was constrained between defending the actions of his colleagues and denouncing them, instead reiterating the PAP’s committal to non-violence.^[100] Marshall defended him and the PAP as “decent men” against Goode’s accusations and called upon the party to “purge themselves of communists”.^[96][99]
【参考译文】5月14日，李光耀、马歇尔和公司达成了进一步的解决方案，该方案满足了罢工者的一些要求。5月16日，在一次紧急立法会议中，首席秘书William Goode指责李光耀失去了对人民行动党的控制，称其已被林清祥所掌控。李光耀在为自己同事的行为辩护和谴责这些行为之间陷入了两难境地，反而重申了人民行动党对非暴力的承诺。马歇尔则为李光耀和人民行动党辩护，称他们是“正直的人”，并呼吁该党“清除共产党人”。

The riot led the public to perceive the PAP as being led by “young, immature and troublesome politicians”, resulting in a shortfall of new members.^[101] It deepened the divide between two emerging factions, with Lee’s faction advocating Fabian‘s brand of socialism for gradual reform and Lim’s faction, later described by Fong as “favour(ing) a more radical approach”.^[102] Lee was convinced that Lim and Fong’s influence were pushing the party toward “political disaster”.^[93] After consulting his allies Toh Chin Chye, S. Rajaratnam and Byrne, Lee censured the two men privately and demanded they change strategies or leave the party.^[103]
【参考译文】骚乱导致公众认为人民行动党是由“年轻、不成熟且麻烦不断的政客”领导，结果新成员的数量减少。这也加深了党内两个新兴派别之间的分歧，李光耀的派别主张温和的社会主义改革，而林清祥的派别，被方水双后来描述为倾向于“更为激进的方法”。李光耀相信林清祥和方水双的影响正在将党推向“政治灾难”。在与盟友Toh Chin Chye、S. Rajaratnam和Byrne商议之后，李光耀私下批评了这两个人，并要求他们改变策略或离开党。

By 1956, Lee believed that the PAP “had been captured by the communists” and privately endorsed the Labour Front government purge of suspected “leftists” in the aftermath of the 1956 Chinese middle schools riots. The arrestees included his rival Lim and several other PAP members.^[104] When other leftist members captured six seats in the PAP central executive committee (CEC) elections on 4 August 1957,^[105] Lee refused to allow his allies to assume their appointments and said that his faction had “lost their moral right” to enforce the party’s founding philosophy.^[106] Overtures were made by fellow CEC member T. T. Rajah to remain in his post, to which he declined.^[105] The government arrested the leftist leaders on 22 August^[107][108] and Lee was restored as secretary-general on 20 October. He later blamed the attempted takeover on lax admission rules to the party^[109][110] and permanently distrusted the leftists thereafter.^[108][109] On 23 November 1958, the party constitution was amended to implement a cadre system.^[110] The right to vote in party elections and run for office were revoked from ordinary party members, whom now had to seek approval from the CEC to be a cadre and regain these privileges.^[111] Lee credited the Vatican system where the pope pre-selects its cardinals for the idea.^[112]
【参考译文】到1956年，李光耀认为人民行动党“已经被共产党人控制”，并私下支持劳工阵线政府在1956年中国中学骚乱之后对疑似“左派”的清洗。被捕者包括他的对手林清祥和其他几位人民行动党成员。1957年8月4日，其他左派成员在人民行动党中央执行委员会（CEC）选举中夺得了六个席位，李光耀拒绝允许他的盟友接受任命，并表示他们的派别已经“失去了执行党的创始理念的道德权利”。CEC成员T. T. Rajah提出让他留任，但他拒绝了。8月22日，政府逮捕了左派领导人，10月20日，李光耀恢复了秘书长的职务。他后来将试图夺取权力归咎于党内的宽松入党规定，并从此永久地不信任左派人士。1958年11月23日，党章被修改以实施干部制度。普通党员选举和竞选公职的权利被撤销，现在他们必须获得CEC的批准才能成为干部并重新获得这些权利。李光耀将这一想法归功于梵蒂冈体系，其中教皇预先挑选红衣主教。

3.2 独立谈判 | Merdeka talks

The Labour Front government’s conciliatory approach to the Hock Lee strikers led to a drastic increase in strikes.^[99] Frustrated by his limited powers, Marshall demanded further constitutional reforms towards the aim of “true self-government”. Lee supported Marshall in his efforts, though he initially threatened an opposition boycott over wording disputes in the agreement.^[113]
【参考译文】劳工阵线政府对Hock Lee罢工者的妥协态度导致了罢工数量的急剧增加。对有限权力感到沮丧的马歇尔要求进一步的宪法改革，目标是实现“真正的自治”。李光耀支持马歇尔的努力，尽管他最初因协议措辞争议威胁要抵制反对派。

Between 1956 and 1958, there would be three rounds of constitutional talks.^[114] Lee was part of Marshall’s 13-member delegation to London in April 1956. Marshall’s demands for independence were repeatedly rejected by Colonial Secretary Alan Lennox-Boyd and Lee departed early over Marshall’s refusal to compromise.^[115][116] He criticised Marshall for his “political ineptitude” in the British press and received widespread media and radio coverage.^[117] He returned to London in March 1957 as part of a five-member delegation led by the new chief minister Lim Yew Hock.^[118] Britain conceded to Singapore’s self-governance but also demanded that a tripartite Internal Security Council be established, which proved controversial back home.^[118] Marshall challenged Lee to seek a fresh mandate from his Tanjong Pagar constituents, which Lee accepted.^[119] In the June 1957 by-elections, Lee was reelected with 68.1% of the vote.^[120]
【参考译文】在1956年至1958年间，将会有三轮宪法会谈。1956年4月，李光耀作为马歇尔13人代表团的一员前往伦敦。马歇尔对于独立的要求被殖民大臣Alan Lennox-Boyd反复拒绝，而李光耀因为马歇尔不愿妥协而提前离开了会议。他在英国媒体和广播中批评马歇尔“政治无能”，并受到了广泛的媒体报道。1957年3月，作为新任首席部长林有福率领的五人代表团成员，李光耀再次回到伦敦。英国同意新加坡自治，但也要求设立一个三方内部安全理事会，这在国内引发了争议。马歇尔挑战李光耀重新获得丹戎巴葛选区选民的授权，李光耀接受了这一挑战。在1957年6月的补选中，李光耀以68.1%的得票率成功连任。

Lee returned to London for the third and final talks in May 1958,^[121] where it was agreed that Singapore would assume self-governance with a Yang di-Pertuan Negara as head of state, with Britain retaining control of defence and foreign policy.^[122] The British House of Lords passed the State of Singapore Act on 24 July 1958, which received royal assent on 1 August, and would become law following the next general election.^[123]
【参考译文】1958年5月，李光耀第三次也是最后一次前往伦敦参加会谈，会谈同意新加坡将享有自治权，设有一个国家元首Yang di-Pertuan Negara，而英国将继续控制国防和外交政策。1958年7月24日，英国上议院通过了《新加坡州法案》，并于8月1日获得御准，并将在下一次大选后生效成为法律。

3.3 1957年和1959年的选举 | 1957 and 1959 elections

As the 1957 City Council election in December approached, a Hokkien-speaking candidate, Ong Eng Guan, became the PAP’s new face to the Chinese electorate.^[108] The 32-seat city council’s functions were restricted to up-keeping public amenities within city limits, but party leaders decided to contest the election as a “dry run” for the upcoming general election.^[124] Lee limited the PAP to contesting 14 seats to avoid provoking the government and formed an electoral pact with the Labour Front and United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) to jointly tackle the new Liberal Socialist Party.^[d][126] The PAP campaigned on a slogan to “sweep the city clean”^[125] and emerged with 13 seats, allowing it to form a minority administration with UMNO’s support. Lee and the rest of the CEC unanimously endorsed Ong to become mayor.^[124]
【参考译文】随着1957年12月市政选举的临近，讲闽南语的候选人王恩荣成为了人民行动党面向华裔选民的新面孔。虽然32席的市议会职能仅限于维护城市范围内的公共设施，但党领导层决定将这次选举作为即将到来的大选的“预演”。为了避免激怒政府，李光耀将人民行动党参选的席位限制在14个，并与劳工阵线和马来民族组织（UMNO）形成选举联盟，共同对付新成立的自由社会主义党。人民行动党以“扫清城市”的口号进行竞选，并最终赢得了13个席位，加上UMNO的支持，得以组建少数派政府。李光耀和中央执行委员会全体成员一致支持王恩荣出任市长。

Early in 1959, Communications and Works Minister Francis Thomas received evidence of corruption on Education Minister Chew Swee Kee. Thomas brought the evidence to Lee after the chief minister dismissed the matter.^[127] Lee tabled a motion in the assembly on 17 February, which forced Chew’s resignation.^[127]
【参考译文】1959年初，通讯和工程部长Francis Thomas收到了关于教育部长周瑞基涉嫌腐败的证据。在首席部长对此事不予理会后，Thomas将证据交给了李光耀。1959年2月17日，李光耀在议会中提出了动议，迫使周瑞基辞职。

As the expiry of the assembly’s term approached, the PAP was initially split on whether to capture power but Lee chose to proceed.^[128] While picking the candidates, Lee deliberately chose people from different racial and education backgrounds to repair the party’s image of being run by intellectuals.^[129] In the 1959 general election held on 30 May 1959, the PAP won a landslide victory with 43 of the 51 seats, though with only 53.4% of the popular vote which Lee noted.^[129][130]
【参考译文】随着议会任期即将结束，人民行动党最初在是否争取执政权的问题上出现了分歧，但李光耀选择了继续前进。在挑选候选人时，李光耀特意选择了来自不同种族和教育背景的人，以修复该党被知识分子主导的形象。在1959年5月30日举行的全国大选中，人民行动党赢得了压倒性的胜利，拿下了51个席位中的43个，尽管它只获得了53.4%的有效选票，这一点李光耀有所指出。

The PAP’s victory reportedly created a dilemma within the 12-member CEC as there was no formal process in place to choose a prime minister-elect.^[131] A vote was purportedly held between Lee and Ong Eng Guan and after both men received six votes, party chairman Toh Chin Chye cast the tie-breaking vote for Lee.^[132] When interviewed nearly five decades later, Toh and one other party member recalled the vote, but Lee and several others denied the account.^[132]
【参考译文】据报道，人民行动党在12人的中央执行委员会中获胜后，面临了一个困境，因为没有正式程序来选出总理人选。据说在李光耀和王恩荣之间举行了一次投票，在两人都获得了六票的情况下，由党主席Toh Chin Chye投出了决定性的一票给李光耀。近五十年后接受采访的时候，Toh和另一名党员回忆了这次投票，但李光耀和其他一些人否认了这一说法。

Lee was summoned by Governor William Goode to form a new government on 1 June, to which he requested the release of arrested PAP members.^[133] On 3 June, Singapore became a self-governing state, ending 140 years of direct British rule.^[133] Lee was sworn in as Prime Minister of Singapore on 5 June at City Hall, along with the rest of his Cabinet.^[133]
【参考译文】1959年6月1日，李光耀被总督William Goode召见，要求组建新政府，他请求释放被捕的人民行动党成员。6月3日，新加坡成为一个自治邦，结束了长达140年的英国直接统治。6月5日，李光耀在市政厅宣誓就任新加坡总理，同时宣誓的还有他的内阁成员。

4. 新加坡州总理（1959-1963年）| Prime Minister, State of Singapore (1959–1963)

4.1 掌权初期 | First years in power

Further information: First Lee Kuan Yew Cabinet【更多信息：第一届李光耀内阁】

Lee’s first speech as prime minister to a 50,000-strong audience at the Padang sought to dampen his supporters’ euphoria of the PAP’s electoral win.^[130] In the first month of Lee taking power, Singapore experienced an economic slump as foreign capital fell and Western businesses and expatriates left for Kuala Lumpur in Malaya, fearing the new government’s anti-colonial zeal.^[130] As part of an ‘anti-yellow culture’ drive, Lee banned jukeboxes and pinball machines, while the police under Home Affairs Minister Ong Pang Boon raided pubs and pornography publications.^[e][134] The government cracked down on secret societies, prostitution and other illegal activities, with TIME magazine later reporting that a full week passed without “kidnapping, extortion or gangland rumble(s)” for the first time.^[134] Lee also spearheaded several ‘mobilisation campaigns’ to clean the city, introduced air-conditioning to government offices, and slashed the salaries of civil servants. The last act provoked anger from the sector, which Lee justified as necessary to balance the budget.^[135]
【参考译文】李光耀作为总理在帕当向 5 万名观众发表的首次演讲，试图平息其支持者对于人民行动党大选胜利后的狂喜。[130] 在李光耀掌权的第一个月，新加坡经历了一次经济衰退，因为外国资本减少，而西方企业和外籍人士因担心新政府反对殖民主义的热情，纷纷前往马来亚的吉隆坡。[130] 作为“反黄色文化”运动的一部分，李光耀禁止了点唱机和弹珠机，而由内政部长王邦文领导的警方则突袭了酒吧和色情出版物。[e][134] 政府严厉打击秘密社团、卖淫和其他非法活动，《时代》杂志后来报道称，整整一个星期都没有发生过“绑架、勒索或帮派斗殴”。[134] 李光耀还带头发起了多项“动员运动”，以清洁城市，在政府办公室引入空调，并削减公务员的薪水。最后一举引发了该部门的愤怒，但李光耀认为此举对平衡预算是必要的。[135]

In February 1960, the Housing and Development Board (HDB) superseded the Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT) and assumed responsibility of public housing. With strong government support, the HDB under chairman Lim Kim San completed more flats in three years than its predecessor did in thirty-two.^[136] Government expenditure for public utilities, healthcare and education also increased significantly.^[136] By the end of the year, however, unemployment began to rise drastically as the economy slowed. Lee reversed anti-colonial policies and launched a five-year plan to build new industries, seeking to attract foreign investors and rival Hong Kong.^[137][138] Jurong, a swampland to the island’s western coast was chosen to be the site of a new industrial estate and would house steel mills, shipyards, and oil refineries, though Finance Minister Goh Keng Swee was initially worried the venture would fail.^[139]
【参考译文】1960 年 2 月，房屋发展局 (Housing and Development Board, HDB) 取代了新加坡改良信托局 (Singapore Improvement Trust, SIT)，并承担了公共住房的责任。在政府的强有力支持下，在主席林金山 (Lim Kim San) 的领导下，房屋发展局在三年内完成的公寓数量超过了其前身在 32 年内完成的数量。[136] 政府在公共设施、医疗和教育方面的支出也大幅增加。[136] 然而，到年底时，随着经济放缓，失业率开始急剧上升。李光耀扭转了反殖民政策，并启动了一项为期五年的计划，以建立新产业，吸引外国投资者，与香港竞争。[137][138] 裕廊是岛上西海岸的一片沼泽地，被选为新工业区的所在地，将容纳钢铁厂、造船厂和炼油厂，尽管财政部长吴庆瑞 (Goh Keng Swee) 最初担心该计划会失败。[139]

The government promoted multiculturalism by recognising Malay, English, Tamil and Chinese as the official languages of the new state and sought to create a new national Malayan identity. The Ministry of Culture under S. Rajaratnam held free outdoor concerts with every ethnic race represented in the performances.^[140] Lee also introduced the People’s Association, a government-linked organisation to run community centers and youth clubs, with its leaders trained to spread the PAP’s ideology.^[140] Youth unemployment was alleviated by the establishment of work brigades.^[140]
【参考译文】政府通过将马来语、英语、泰米尔语和汉语确定为新国家的官方语言，促进了多元文化的发展，并努力创造新的马来西亚民族身份。拉贾拉南 (S. Rajaratnam) 领导的文化部举办了免费的户外音乐会，各民族都在演出中有所代表。[140] 李光耀还成立了人民协会，这是一个与政府有关联的组织，负责运营社区中心和青年俱乐部，其领导人受过培训，负责传播人民行动党的意识形态。[140] 工作队的成立缓解了青年失业问题。[140]

4.2 1961年人民行动党分裂 | PAP split of 1961

图片题注：Lim Chin Siong was Lee’s main political rival and formed the Barisan Sosialis after his expulsion from the PAP.
参考译文：林金山是李光耀的主要政治对手，在被人民行动党开除后，他成立了社会阵线。

图片来源：Ministry of Information and the Arts

Lee took measures to secure his position in the aftermath of the 1957 party elections. In 1959, he delayed the release of leftist PAP members arrested under the former Labour Front government and appointed five of its leaders,^[f] including Lim Chin Siong, as parliamentary secretaries lacking political power.^[133][142] Lee clashed further with Lim when the government sought to create a centralised labour union in the first half of 1960.^[143] Trouble also arose from former mayor and Minister of National Development Ong Eng Guan, who Lee had appointed in recognition of Ong’s contribution to the PAP’s electoral win.^[143][144] Ong’s relocation of his ministry to his Hong Lim stronghold and continued castigation of the British and civil servants was regarded by his colleagues as disruptive and Lee removed several portfolios from Ong’s purview in February 1960.^[144][145]
【参考译文】在 1957 年党内选举后，李光耀采取措施巩固自己的地位。1959 年，他推迟释放前劳工阵线政府逮捕的左翼人民行动党成员，并任命了五名领导人，[f]包括林金山，作为没有政治权力的议会秘书。[133][142] 1960 年上半年，政府试图建立一个中央集权的工会时，李光耀与林金山的冲突进一步加剧。[143] 麻烦还来自前市长兼国家发展部部长王荣基，李光耀任命他是为了认可王荣基对人民行动党大选胜利的贡献。[143][144] 王荣基将他的部门迁往其大本营红林，并继续谴责英国人和公务员，被他的同事视为破坏行为，因此李光耀在 1960 年 2 月将几个部门从王荣基的管辖范围中移除。[144][145]

In the party conference on 18 June 1960, Ong filed “16 resolutions” against the leadership, accusing Lee of failing to seek party consensus when deciding policy, not adhering to anti-colonialism and suspending left-wing unions.^[146] Lee regarded it as a move to split the party and together with his allies expelled Ong from the party.^[147] Ong resigned his seat in December, precipitating the Hong Lim by-election on in April 1961 which he won against a PAP candidate.^[145][148] The death of the PAP assemblyman for Anson that April triggered a second by-election. For the first time, Lim’s faction openly revolted against Lee and endorsed Workers’ Party chairman David Marshall who won the seat.^[145][149]
【参考译文】在 1960 年 6 月 18 日的党内会议上，王荣基提交了针对领导层的“16 项决议”，指责李光耀在决定政策时没有寻求党内共识，没有坚持反殖民主义，并暂停了左翼工会的活动。[146] 李光耀认为此举旨在分裂党，并与其盟友一起将王荣基开除出党。[147] 王荣基于 12 月辞去议员职务，引发了 1961 年 4 月的红林补选，他击败了人民行动党的候选人。[145][148] 当年 4 月，人民行动党安森选区议员去世，引发了第二次补选。这是林金山的派系首次公开反抗李光耀，并支持工人党主席大卫·马歇尔 (David Marshall) 赢得席位。[145][149]

Lee assumed responsibility for the two by-election defeats and submitted his resignation to party chairman Toh Chin Chye on 17 July. Toh rejected it and upheld Lee’s mandate.^[150] Lee moved a motion of confidence in his own government in the early hours of 21 July after a thirteen-hour debate which had begun the preceding day, narrowly surviving it with 27 “Ayes”, 8 “Noes” and 16 abstentions.^[151] The PAP now commanded a single seat majority in the 51-seat assembly after 13 of its members had abstained.^[152] Lee expelled the 13 who had broken ranks in addition to Lim, Fong and Woodhull.^[152]
【参考译文】李光耀为两次补选失败承担责任，并于 7 月 17 日向党主席杜进才提交辞呈。杜进才拒绝了辞呈，并维护了李光耀的职权。[150] 在前一天开始的十三小时辩论之后，李光耀于 7 月 21 日凌晨对政府提出信任动议，以 27 票赞成、8 票反对和 16 票弃权勉强通过。[151] 人民行动党在 51 个席位的议会中只拥有一个席位的多数，因为有 13 名议员投了弃权票。[152] 李光耀除了开除林金山、冯建发和伍德霍尔 (Woodhull) 外，还开除了另外 13 名打破阵线的议员。[152]

4.3 公投和合并前夕 | Leadup to referendum and merger

Further information: 1962 Singaporean integration referendum【更多信息：1962 年新加坡合并公投】

图片题注：Lee worked with Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman in the lead up to merger.
参考译文：在合并之前，李光耀与马来西亚首相东姑阿都拉曼 (Tunku Abdul Rahman) 密切合作。

图片来源：Photo found in the book: History of Malaya (1400-1959), published by Joginder Singh Jessy in 1960.

Lee and his colleagues believed that Singapore could only survive through merger with Malaya and was unwilling to call for complete independence.^[153] Merger would allow goods to be exported to the peninsula under a common market, while devolving unpopular internal security measures to Kuala Lumpur.^[153][154] Malaya’s ruling Alliance Party coalition dominated by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) had repeatedly opposed the scheme and was apprehensive that Singapore’s Chinese majority would reduce ‘Malay political supremacy’.^[155] Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman backtracked after the PAP’s Hong Lim by-election defeat, fearing a “pro-communist government” in Singapore should Lee fall from power.^[154] On 27 May 1961, Tunku announced that Malaya, Singapore, and the British colonies of North Borneo and Sarawak should pursue “political and economic cooperation”.^[154] Lee endorsed the program six days later and commenced negotiations on the formation of Malaysia.^[154]
【参考译文】李光耀及其同事认为，新加坡只有通过与马来亚合并才能生存，并且不愿要求完全独立。[153] 合并将使商品能够在共同市场下出口到半岛，同时将不受欢迎的内部安全措施移交给吉隆坡。[153][154] 以马来亚民族统一机构（巫统）为主的马来亚执政联盟党联盟一再反对该计划，并担心新加坡的华人为主的群体将削弱“马来人的政治优势”。[155] 人民行动党在红林补选中落败后，首相东姑阿都拉曼 (Tunku Abdul Rahman) 退却了，他担心如果李光耀失势，新加坡将出现“亲共政府”。[154] 1961 年 5 月 27 日，东姑宣布马来亚、新加坡以及英属北婆罗洲和沙捞越应追求“政治和经济合作”。[154] 六天后，李光耀支持该计划，并开始就马来西亚的成立进行谈判。[154]

In August 1961, Lee and Tunku agreed that Singapore’s defence, foreign affairs and internal security would be transferred to the federal government, while education and labour policy remained with the state government.^[154][156] Lim Chin Siong and his supporters saw Lee’s ceding control of internal security—then controlled by the Internal Security Council with British, Malayan, Singaporean representatives—to the federal government as a threat as Tunku was convinced they were communists.^[154] In a meeting with British Commissioner General Lord Selkirk, Selkirk reaffirmed that the British would not suspend Singapore’s constitution should Lee be voted out.^[154] Lee saw the meeting as a British endorsement of Lim and accused it as a plot against his government.^[157] On 13 August, Lim founded the Barisan Sosialis and became its secretary-general, with 35 of 51 branches of the PAP defecting.^[152][158] Lee anticipated a Barisan win in the next election and saw ‘independence through merger’ as the only means for the PAP to retain power.^[155]
【参考译文】1961 年 8 月，李光耀和东姑同意将新加坡的国防、外交和内政安全移交给联邦政府，而教育和劳工政策则仍由州政府负责。[154][156] 林金山及其支持者认为，李光耀将内政安全控制权（当时由内政安全委员会控制，该委员会由英国、马来亚和新加坡的代表组成）移交给联邦政府是一个威胁，因为东姑确信他们是共产主义者。[154] 在与英国总督塞尔科克勋爵 (Lord Selkirk) 的会面中，塞尔科克重申，如果李光耀被投票罢免，英国不会中止新加坡的宪法。[154] 李光耀认为这次会议是英国对林金山的支持，并指责这是针对其政府的阴谋。[157] 8 月 13 日，林金山成立了社会阵线并担任秘书长，人民行动党的 51 个分支机构中有 35 个投奔了该组织。[152][158] 李光耀预计社会阵线将在下一次大选中获胜，并认为“通过合并实现独立”是人民行动党保持权力的唯一途径。[155]

图片题注：Lee and Goh crafted the ballot to favour option A.
参考译文：李光耀和吴庆瑞（Goh Keng Swee）设计的选票有利于选项A。

图片来源：The image shows part of a promotional poster by the Singapore government on the referendum on merger in 1962. It is used to illustrate the three choices in the referendum (and how they all agree to merger – there isn’t actually a choice against merger)

Beginning on 13 September 1961, Lee gave twelve multilingual radio speeches outlining the benefits of merger in what he called the ‘Battle for Merger’. The speeches proved to be a massive success for Lee’s campaign, while Barisan’s demands for equal airtime were rejected.^[159] Lee employed full use of state resources to suppress his opponents by revoking the Barisan’s printing permits, banning or relocating its rallies, and purging its supporters from the government, while the judiciary and police engaged to “obstruct, provoke and isolate” the party.^[160] The Barisan lambasted Lee for securing only 15 seats in the Malaysian parliament for Singapore in contrast to North Borneo (16) and Sarawak (24), despite both having a combined population well below Singapore’s 1.7 million.^[161] Singapore citizens would also be categorised as “nationals” and not be granted Malaysian citizenship.^[161][162] On 6 December, the legislative assembly voted 33–0 in favour of the agreements struck by Lee and Tunku, which the Barisan boycotted.^[163]
【参考译文】从 1961 年 9 月 13 日开始，李光耀发表了十二篇多语种广播演讲，概述了他所谓的“合并之战”中合并的好处。这些演讲在李光耀的竞选活动中取得了巨大成功，而社会阵线要求平等广播时间的要求被拒绝。[159] 李光耀充分利用国家资源来压制对手，撤销了社会阵线的印刷许可证，禁止或重新安排其集会，并清除政府中的支持者，而司法和警察部门则负责“阻挠、挑衅和孤立”该政党。[160] 尽管北婆罗洲（16 个）和沙捞越（24 个）的人口总和远低于新加坡的 170 万，但社会阵线猛烈抨击李光耀只为新加坡争取到马来西亚议会中的 15 个席位。[161] 新加坡公民也将被归类为“国民”，而不是马来西亚公民。[161][162] 12 月 6 日，立法会以 33 票赞成、0 票反对的结果通过了李光耀和东姑达成的协议，而社会阵线则抵制了投票。[163]

A referendum for merger was scheduled for 1 September 1962. Lee ensured that the ballot lacked a “no” option, with all three options having varying terms for admission into Malaysia.^[161] The ballot was crafted by Lee and Goh Keng Swee to capitalise on a mistake which the Barisan had made the previous year. The Barisan had inadvertently endorsed merger under terms “like Penang” (a state of Malaya) with full citizenship rights, not realising that Malayan law entitled only a native-born to qualify for automatic citizenship, which would disenfranchise nearly one third of those eligible to vote;^[164] it issued a clarification but never recovered from the mistake.^[165] Lee placed the flag of Singapore alongside option A with the terms of Singapore retaining control of education and labour policy, while portraying the Barisan’s choice as option B favouring entry into the federation with no special rights, next to the flag of Penang.^[166] When Lim called for his supporters to submit blank votes, Lee countered that blank votes would count as a vote for the majority choice. 71% eventually voted for option A, while 26% cast blank votes.^[167] In November, Lee embarked on a ten-month visit to all fifty-one constituencies, prioritising those with the highest count of blank votes.^[168]
【参考译文】原定于 1962 年 9 月 1 日就合并事宜举行公民投票。李光耀确保选票中没有“否”的选项，而是将三个选项都设置为加入马来西亚的不同条款。[161] 该选票由李光耀和吴庆瑞 (Goh Keng Swee) 精心设计，以利用社会阵线前一年所犯的错误。社会阵线不慎支持了按照“像槟城（马来亚的一个州）”的条款进行合并，赋予全面公民权利，却没有意识到马来亚法律仅允许土生土长的马来亚人自动获得公民身份，这将剥夺近三分之一的选民投票权；[164] 它发布了澄清声明，但从未从这一错误中恢复过来。[165] 李光耀将新加坡国旗放在选项 A 旁边，条款是新加坡保留对教育和劳工政策的控制权，同时将社会阵线的选择描述为选项 B，即加入联邦但没有特殊权利，旁边是槟城州旗。[166] 当林金山呼吁支持者投空白票时，李光耀反驳说，空白票将计入多数选项的票数。最终，71% 的选民选择了选项 A，而 26% 的选民投了空白票。[167] 11 月，李光耀开始了为期十个月的巡回访问，访问了所有 51 个选区，优先访问空白票最多的选区。[168]

4.4 冷藏行动拘留 | Operation Coldstore detentions

Further information: Operation Coldstore【更多信息：冷藏行动】

The Malayan government considered the arrests of Singapore’s left-wing groups as non-negotiable for the formation of Malaysia.^[169][170] Tunku felt that Lee lacked the initiative to suppress “pro-communist elements” and warned that a Malay-led dictatorship would be instated to prevent a “socialist majority” in the next Malayan election.^[163] As the Malayans increased pressure on the Internal Security Council (ISC) to take action, Lee began supporting the idea of a purge in March 1962.^[171] The Malayan and Singapore special branches collaborated on an arrest list of major opposition members, though doubts arose if Lim Chin Siong and Fong Swee Suan could be classified as ‘communists’.^[171] Up until the end of November 1962, the British declined to support the operation without a pretext, noting that Lim and the Barisan Sosialis had not broken any laws.^[172]
【参考译文】马来西亚政府认为，逮捕新加坡的左翼团体对于马来西亚的成立是不可谈判的条件。东姑认为李光耀缺乏主动去镇压“亲共元素”的意愿，并警告说，为了防止下一次马来西亚选举中出现“社会主义多数”，将会建立一个由马来人领导的独裁政权。随着马来西亚方面对内部安全理事会（ISC）施加的压力增大，李光耀在1962年3月开始支持进行清洗的想法。马来西亚和新加坡的情报部门合作制定了一份主要反对派成员的逮捕名单，不过对于林清祥和方水双是否能够被归类为“共产党人”存在疑问。直到1962年11月底，英国方面在没有借口的情况下拒绝支持这一行动，并指出林清祥和社会主义阵线并没有违反任何法律。

The Brunei revolt on 8 December led by A. M. Azahari provided a “heaven-sent opportunity” to take action, as Lim had met Azahari on 3 December.^[173] The Malayan government convened the ISC to discuss the operation, while Singapore’s Special Branch produced alleged evidence of the communist control of Barisan.^[173] On 13 December, Lord Selkirk gave his authorisation for the arrests to proceed on 16 December. However, Lee’s attempt to add two Malayan parliamentarians opposed to the formation of Malaysia into the arrest list caused the Malayan representative to rescind his consent, stopping the operation.^[173] Tunku suspected that Lee was trying to eliminate his entire opposition, while Lee felt that Tunku was evading his shared responsibility for the arrests.^[168]
【参考译文】12 月 8 日，由 A. M. 阿扎哈里领导的文莱叛乱为采取行动提供了“天赐良机”，因为林金山已于 12 月 3 日会见了阿扎哈里。[173] 马来亚政府召集了内部安全委员会 (ISC) 讨论此次行动，而新加坡特别处则提供了所谓的社会阵线受共产党控制的证据。[173] 12 月 13 日，塞尔科克勋爵授权于 12 月 16 日进行逮捕。然而，李光耀试图将两名反对成立马来西亚的马来亚国会议员加入逮捕名单，导致马来亚代表撤销了同意书，停止了行动。[173] 东姑怀疑李光耀试图消灭他所有的反对派，而李光耀则认为东姑在逃避他在逮捕行动中的共同责任。[168]

An ISC meeting was scheduled to be held on 1 February 1963 to remount the operation.^[174] During the interim period, Lee had added three names from the United People’s Party, one of them being former PAP minister Ong Eng Guan.^[174] Selkirk expressed concerns that Ong’s arrest lacked any justification and Lee conceded that it was meant as a “warning” to Ong.^[174] Tunku told Geofroy Tory, the British High Commissioner in Kuala Lumpur on 30 January, that ‘if this operation failed, merger with Singapore was off’.^[174] Selkirk was pressured to put his reservations aside and finally consented.^[174] On 2 February, Operation Coldstore commenced across Singapore, with 113 detained including Lim and 23 others from Barisan Sosialis.^[175][176] Lee offered Lim a path into exile which Lim rejected.^[177] The Malayans and British later pressured Lee to retract his comment when he said he “disapproved” of the operation.^[175]
【参考译文】内部安全理事会（ISC）安排在1963年2月1日召开会议重启该行动。在这段过渡期内，李光耀增加了来自人民联合党的三个名字在逮捕名单上，其中包括前人民行动党部长王恩荣。Selkirk表达了对逮捕王恩荣缺乏正当理由的担忧，李光耀承认此举是对王恩荣的一种“警告”。1月30日，东姑告诉英国驻吉隆坡高级专员Geofroy Tory，如果这次行动失败，“与新加坡的合并计划就会取消”。Selkirk受到压力，不得不放下自己的保留意见，最终同意了行动。2月2日，冷藏行动在新加坡全岛范围内展开，包括林清祥在内的113人被捕，其中还有来自社会主义阵线的23人。李光耀向林清祥提供了流亡的选择，但被林拒绝。后来，马来西亚人和英国人施压李光耀收回他所说的自己“不赞成”这次行动的言论。

In his memoirs, Lee portrayed himself as reluctant in supporting the operation, though declassified British documents revealed that Lee was “somewhat more enthusiastic” than he eventually admitted.^[178]
【参考译文】在其回忆录中，李光耀将自己描绘成不太情愿地支持这次行动，但解密的英国文件显示，李光耀实际上比他最终承认的要“更加热情”一些。

5. 马来西亚新加坡州的首席部长（1963-1965年）| Prime Minister, Singapore in Malaysia (1963–1965)

5.1 选举与紧张局势 | Elections and tensions

Further information: 1963 Singaporean general election and Singapore in Malaysia
【更多信息：1963年新加坡大选与马来西亚内的新加坡】

图片题注：Lee’s proclamation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963; note the two flags atop the City Hall building.
参考译文：李光耀于1963年9月16日宣布马来西亚成立；请注意市政厅大楼顶部的两面旗帜。

图片来源：Ministry of Information and the Arts Collection

On 31 August 1963, Lee declared Singapore’s independence in a ceremony at the Padang and pledged loyalty to the federal government.^[179] With the conclusion of the trials of Barisan Sosialis’ leaders, Lee dissolved the legislative assembly on 3 September and called for a snap election.^[180][181] He touted “independence through merger” as a success and utilised television and the mass media effectively.^[182] In conjunction with Sabah (formerly North Borneo) and Sarawak, Lee proclaimed Singapore as part of Malaysia in a second ceremony on 16 September accompanied by a military parade.^[183][g] Lim Chin Siong’s arrest had, however, generated widespread sympathy for the Barisan and a close result was predicted. Australian and British officials expected a Barisan win.^[184] When the PAP defeated the Barisan in a landslide victory on 21 September, it was seen as a public endorsement of merger and Lee’s socio-economic policies.^[182][185]
【参考译文】1963年8月31日，李光耀在帕当举行的仪式上宣布了新加坡的独立，并宣誓效忠联邦政府。随着社会主义阵线领导人审判的结束，李光耀于9月3日解散了立法议会，并宣布举行突然选举。他把“通过合并实现独立”标榜为一项成就，并有效地利用了电视和大众媒体。9月16日，配合沙巴（前北婆罗洲）和砂拉越，李光耀在第二次仪式上宣布新加坡成为马来西亚的一部分，伴随了一场军事阅兵。然而，林清祥的被捕却为社会主义阵线赢得了广泛的同情，并预测选举结果将会非常接近。澳大利亚和英国官员预计社会主义阵线将会获胜。但当人民行动党在9月21日以压倒性的优势击败社会主义阵线时，这被视为公众对合并以及李光耀社会经济政策的认可。

Relations between the PAP and Malaysia’s ruling Alliance Party quickly deteriorated as Lee began espousing his policies to the rest of the country. The United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) was also shocked by the loss of three Malay-majority seats to the PAP in the recent 1963 Singapore election.^[186] Ultra-nationalists within UMNO alleged that Lee sought to overthrow the Malay monarchies and infringe on rural life.^[186] Lee’s attempts to reconcile the PAP with UMNO were rebuffed as the latter remained committed to the Malaysian Chinese Association.^[186] Further hostility ensued when the PAP decided to contest in the 1964 Malaysian general election in contravention of a gentlemen’s agreement that it would disavow itself from peninsula politics.^[187] Lee’s speeches in Malaysia attracted large crowds and he expected the PAP to win at least seven parliamentary seats.^[188] The party ultimately won only one seat in Bangsar, Selangor under Devan Nair.^[187] Lee and other party insiders later conceded that UMNO’s portrayal of the PAP as a “Chinese party” and its lack of grassroots in the peninsula had undermined its support from the Malay majority.^[187][189]
【参考译文】人民行动党和马来西亚执政的联盟党之间的关系迅速恶化，因为李光耀开始在全国范围内推行他的政策。此外，当马来人占多数的三个席位在最近的1963年新加坡选举中输给了人民行动党时，马来民族统一机构（UMNO）也感到震惊。UMNO内部的极端民族主义者指责李光耀企图推翻马来君主制并侵犯乡村生活。李光耀试图调和人民行动党和UMNO之间的关系，但后者仍然坚持与马来西亚中华大会堂的关系。当人民行动党决定违背君子协定，参加1964年马来西亚大选时，进一步的敌意随之而来，该协定原本规定人民行动党将不参与半岛政治。李光耀在马来西亚的演讲吸引了大量观众，并预期人民行动党至少赢得七个国会议席。最终，该党仅在雪兰莪的班底谷赢得了一个席位，由Devan Nair获得。李光耀和其他党内高层后来承认，UMNO将人民行动党描绘成一个“华人政党”，以及该党在半岛缺乏基层支持，削弱了马来人多数对人民行动党的支持。

Ethnic tensions had risen prior to the April election when UMNO secretary-general Syed Jaafar Albar utilised the Utusan Melayu to accuse Lee of evicting Malays from their homes in March 1964.^[190] Lee explained personally to the affected neighbourhoods that the scheme was part of an urban renewal plan and that eviction notices had been sent to everyone irrespective of race.^[191] Albar responded by warning Lee to not “treat the sons of the soil as step-children” and led calls for the deaths of Lee and Social Affairs Minister Othman bin Wok on 12 July.^[191] On 21 July, the 1964 race riots in Singapore erupted during a celebration of Prophet Muhammad’s birthday, lasting four days, killing 22 and injuring 461.^[192] Further riots occurred in late-August and early-September resulting in communities self-segregating from each other, which Lee characterised as “terribly disheartening” and against “everything we had believed in and worked for”.^[190] Lee never forgot the Malay PAP leaders who stood against UMNO during the turmoil and as late as 1998, paid tribute to them for Singapore’s survival.^[193]
【参考译文】在四月选举之前，马来民族统一机构秘书长Syed Jaafar Albar利用《Utusan Melayu》报纸指责李光耀在1964年3月驱逐马来人离开他们的家园，从而加剧了种族紧张局势。李光耀亲自向受影响的社区解释说，这项计划是城市更新计划的一部分，并且无论种族如何，搬迁通知已发送给所有人。Albar回应说警告李光耀不要“把土生土长的儿子当作继子对待”，并在7月12日带头呼吁处死李光耀和社会事务部长Othman bin Wok。7月21日，在庆祝穆罕默德先知诞辰期间，新加坡爆发了1964年种族骚乱，持续了四天，造成22人死亡，461人受伤。八月末和九月初又发生了进一步的骚乱，导致社区彼此自我隔离，李光耀将这种情况形容为“极其令人沮丧”，并且违背了“我们所信仰和为之努力的一切”。李光耀从未忘记在动荡期间站在UMNO对立面的马来人民行动党领导人，并且直至1998年，他还对他们为新加坡的存续所做的贡献表示了敬意。

5.2 “马来西亚人的马来西亚”概念与分离 | Malaysian Malaysia and separation

See also: Proclamation of Singapore【另见：新加坡宣言】

Lee’s perceptions that merger was becoming infeasible was also due to the federal government’s obstruction of his industrialisation program and its imposition of new taxes on Singapore in November 1964.^[191] He authorised Goh Keng Swee to renegotiate with Deputy Prime Minister Abdul Razak Hussein on Singapore’s place in the federation in early 1965.^[191] Seeking to provide an alternative to the Alliance Party government, Lee and his colleagues formed the Malaysian Solidarity Convention (MSC) with the Malayan and Sarawakian opposition on 9 May, with its goals for a Malaysian Malaysia and race-blind society.^[191][194] The MSC was seen by UMNO as a threat to the Malay monopoly of power and special rights granted to Malays under Article 153.^[195][196] UMNO supreme council member and future prime minister Mahathir Mohamad called the PAP “pro-Chinese, communist-oriented and positively anti-Malay”, while others called for Lee’s arrest under the Internal Security Act for trying to split the federation.^[195][197] Mathathir in his speech stated the huaren (ethnic Chinese) of Singapore were of “the insular, selfish and arrogant type of which Mr. Lee is a good example…They are in fact Chinese first, seeing China as the center of the world and Malaysia as a very poor second”.^[198]
【参考译文】李光耀认为合并变得不可行，也是由于联邦政府阻碍了他的工业化计划，并在 1964 年 11 月对新加坡征收新税。[191] 他授权高金素梅在 1965 年初与副总理阿卜杜勒·拉扎克·侯赛因就新加坡在联邦中的地位进行重新谈判。[191] 为了为联盟党政府提供另一种选择，李光耀及其同事于 5 月 9 日与马来亚和沙捞越的反对派成立了马来西亚团结大会（MSC），其目标是建立马来西亚马来西亚和种族平等的社会。[191][194] 马来西亚国民组织（UMNO）认为 MSC 对马来人的权力垄断和根据第 153 条授予马来人的特殊权利构成了威胁。[195][196] 马来西亚国民组织最高理事会成员、未来总理马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德称人民行动党“亲华、亲共、积极反马来人”，而其他人则呼吁根据《内部安全法》逮捕李光耀，因为他试图分裂联邦。[195][197] 马哈蒂尔在演讲中表示，新加坡的华人（华裔）是“狭隘、自私和傲慢的类型，李先生就是一个很好的例子……他们实际上首先是中国人，把中国视为世界的中心，而马来西亚则是非常贫穷的第二选择”。[198]

Such fears were sincerely felt by the UNMO leaders as one UMNO politician who was friendly with Lee privately told him: “You Chinese are too energetic and clever for us…we cannot stand the pressure”.^[199] Many UMNO politicians felt threatened by Lee, a politician who sought to appeal to both ethnic Chinese and Malay voters.^[198] Albar warned in a speech that the Malay voters of Singapore must have been “misled” into voting for the PAP, and the UNMO would not allow this to happen in the next election.^[198] Lee later wrote of Tunku that was “a nice man”, but “he was a prince who understood power and knew how to use it. He did not carry a big stick, but he had many hatchet-bearers who would do the job for him while he looked the other way and appeared as benign as ever”.^[198] Tunku was a Malay aristocrat who spent his undergraduate years at Cambridge by his own admission on “fast women” rather than studying and whom Lee contemptuously noted had been awarded a degree at Cambridge that he did not deserve solely because he was an aristocrat.^[200] Tunku in turn felt threatened by Lee, a man who had worked his way up via his intelligence and self-discipline, which made him very different from the people in his world.^[200]
【参考译文】马来亚国民组织（UMNO）的领导人确实存在这样的担忧，因为一位与李光耀私交甚笃的马来亚国民组织政治家私下告诉他：“你们中国人太有活力，太聪明了……我们顶不住压力”。[199] 许多马来亚国民组织政治家对李光耀感到威胁，因为李光耀试图同时吸引华裔和马来裔选民。[198] 阿尔巴尔在演讲中警告说，新加坡的马来选民一定是“被误导”了，才投票给人民行动党，马来亚国民组织绝不会允许这种情况在下次选举中发生。[198] 李光耀后来写道，东姑是个“好人”，但“他是个懂得权力并知道如何使用权力的王子。他手里没有大棒，但他有很多助手会为他完成工作，而他则在一旁观望，一如既往地显得温和”。[198] 东姑是马来贵族，他坦承自己在剑桥大学读本科时只顾着“玩女人”而没有学习，而李光耀则轻蔑地指出，他之所以能在剑桥大学获得他本不应得的学位，仅仅因为他是贵族。[200] 东姑也对李光耀感到威胁，因为李光耀是通过自己的才智和自律才爬到今天的地位，这让他与周围的人截然不同。[200]

On 26 May, Lee addressed the Malaysian parliament for the final time, delivering his speech entirely in the Malay language. He challenged the Alliance Party to commit itself to a Malaysian Malaysia and denounce its extremists, and also argued that the PAP could better uplift the livelihood of the Malays.^[195] Then-social affairs minister Othman Wok later recounted: “I noticed that while he was speaking, the Alliance leaders sitting in front of us, they sank lower and lower because they were embarrassed this man (Lee) could speak Malay better than them”.^[201] Then-national development minister Lim Kim San also noted: “That was the turning point. They perceived [Lee] as a dangerous man who could one day be the prime minister of Malaya. This was the speech that changed history.”^[201] Prime Minister Tunku labelled the speech as the final straw which contributed to his decision on 29 June that Singapore’s secession was necessary.^[202] The more extreme UMNO politicians such as Albar were pressing to have Lee arrested and martial law proclaimed, but Tunku chose to accept Singapore’s secession instead.^[200] The British Prime Minister Harold Wilson also quietly pressured Tunku to accept Singapore’s secession and warned him against a declaration of martial law.^[200] As Britain was defending Malaysia from Indonesian attempts to annex the country, Britain was in a strong position to apply pressure on Malaysia. Lee in his memoirs stated that Singapore owed Wilson a major debt for his role in pressuring Tunku for a peaceful resolution of the crisis.^[203]
【参考译文】5 月 26 日，李光耀最后一次向马来西亚议会发表演讲，全程使用马来语。他要求联盟党致力于建立一个马来西亚的马来西亚并谴责其极端分子，并认为人民行动党能够更好地改善马来人的生计。[195] 时任社会事务部长奥斯曼·沃克后来回忆说：“我注意到，当他讲话时，坐在我们前面的联盟领导人越坐越低，因为他们感到尴尬，因为这个人（李光耀）马来语说得比他们还好”。[201] 时任国家发展部长林清祥也指出：“那是转折点。他们认为[李光耀]是一个危险的人，总有一天会成为马来亚的总理。这篇演讲改变了历史。”[201] 东姑总理称这篇演讲是压垮他的最后一根稻草，促使他于 6 月 29 日决定新加坡脱离马来西亚是必要的。[202] 阿尔巴尔等更极端的马来亚国民组织政治家正竭力要求逮捕李光耀并宣布戒严令，但东姑选择接受新加坡的脱离。[200] 英国首相哈罗德·威尔逊也悄悄地向东姑施压，让他接受新加坡的脱离，并警告他不要宣布戒严令。[200] 由于英国正在保卫马来西亚免受印度尼西亚吞并该国的企图，因此英国处于可以向马来西亚施加压力的有利地位。李光耀在其回忆录中表示，新加坡欠威尔逊一份大人情，因为他在向东姑施压以和平解决危机方面发挥了重要作用。[203]

Lee summoned Law Minister Edmund W. Barker to draft documents effecting Singapore’s separation from the federation and its proclamation of independence. To ensure that a 1962 agreement to draw water from Johor was retained, Lee insisted that it be enshrined in the separation agreement and Malaysian constitution.^[204] The negotiations of post-separation relations were held in utmost secrecy and Lee tried to prevent secession until he was persuaded to finally relent by Goh on 7 August.^[195][205] That day, Lee and several cabinet ministers signed the separation agreement at Razak’s home, which stipulated continued co-operation in trade and mutual defence.^[206] He returned to Singapore the following day and convened the rest of his cabinet to sign the document, whereupon it was flown back to Kuala Lumpur.^[205][207]
【参考译文】李光耀召见法律部长埃德蒙·W·巴克，让他起草新加坡脱离联邦并宣布独立的文件。为确保 1962 年从柔佛州引水的协议得到保留，李光耀坚持将其写入分离协议和马来西亚宪法。[204] 分离后的关系谈判在极度保密中进行，李光耀一直试图阻止脱离，直到 8 月 7 日被吴作栋说服才最终让步。[195][205] 当天，李光耀和几位内阁部长在拉扎克家中签署了分离协议，该协议规定了双方在贸易和相互防御方面的持续合作。[206] 第二天，他返回新加坡，召集内阁其余成员签署文件，随后该文件被送回吉隆坡。[205][207]

On 9 August 1965 at 10am, Tunku convened the Malaysian parliament and moved the Constitution of Malaysia (Singapore Amendment) Bill 1965, which passed unanimously by a vote of 126–0 with no PAP representatives present.^[208] Singapore’s independence was announced locally via radio at the same time and Lee broke the news to senior diplomats and civil servants.^[207][209] In a televised press conference that day, Lee fought back tears and briefly stopped to regain his composure as he formally announced the news to an anxious population:^[210]
【参考译文】1965 年 8 月 9 日上午 10 点，东姑召集马来西亚议会，提出《1965 年马来西亚宪法（新加坡修正案）议案》，该议案以 126 票对 0 票一致通过，没有人民行动党代表出席。[208] 新加坡的独立消息在当地通过广播宣布，李光耀同时向高级外交官和公务员通报了这一消息。[207][209] 在当天举行的电视新闻发布会上，李光耀强忍泪水，一度停下来恢复镇静，然后正式向焦虑不安的民众宣布了这一消息：[210]

Every time we look back on this moment when we signed this agreement which severed Singapore from Malaysia, it will be a moment of anguish. For me it is a moment of anguish because all my life. … You see, the whole of my adult life […] I have believed in Malaysian merger and the unity of these two territories. You know, it’s a people connected by geography, economics, and ties of kinship…. We could not achieve multiracialism and integration in Malaysia.^[211]

【参考译文】每当我们回顾签署这项将新加坡从马来西亚分离出去的协议的那一刻，都会感到十分痛苦。对我来说，这是一个痛苦的时刻，因为我的一生……你知道，我整个成年生活……我一直相信马来西亚的合并和这两个地区的统一。你知道，这是一个由地理、经济和亲属关系联系在一起的人民……我们无法在马来西亚实现多元种族和融合。[211]

6. 新加坡共和国总理（1965-1990）| Prime Minister, Republic of Singapore (1965–1990)

Despite the momentous event, Lee did not call for the parliament to convene to reconcile issues that Singapore would face immediately as a new nation. Without giving further instructions on who should act in his absence, he went into isolation for six weeks, unreachable by phone, on an isolated chalet. According to then-deputy prime minister Toh Chin Chye, the parliament hung in “suspended animation” until the sitting in December that year.^[212]
【参考译文】尽管发生了这一重大事件，但李光耀并没有召集议会来解决新加坡作为新国家将立即面临的问题。他没有进一步指示谁应该在他缺席时行事，而是躲进了一个与世隔绝的小木屋里，六周时间都无法通过电话联系到他。据时任副总理陈庆炎称，议会一直处于“休眠状态”，直到当年 12 月的会议。[212]

In his memoirs, Lee said that he was unable to sleep. Upon learning of Lee’s condition from the British High Commissioner to Singapore, John Robb, the British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, expressed concern, in response to which Lee replied:
【参考译文】在李光耀的回忆录中，他说自己无法入睡。英国首相哈罗德·威尔逊从英国驻新加坡高级专员约翰·罗布那里得知李光耀的状况后，表示关切，李光耀回复说：

Do not worry about Singapore. My colleagues and I are sane, rational people even in our moments of anguish. We will weigh all possible consequences before we make any move on the political chessboard.^[213]

【参考译文】“不要担心新加坡。我和我的同事即使在痛苦的时候也是理智和理性的人。我们会在政治棋盘上采取任何行动之前权衡所有可能的后果。”[213]

Lee began to seek international recognition of Singapore’s independence. Singapore joined the United Nations on 21 September 1965, and founded the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on 8 August 1967 with four other South-East Asian countries. Lee made his first official visit to Indonesia on 25 May 1973, just a few years after the Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation under Sukarno‘s regime. Relations between Singapore and Indonesia substantially improved as subsequent visits were made between the two countries.
【参考译文】李光耀开始寻求国际社会对新加坡独立的承认。新加坡于 1965 年 9 月 21 日加入联合国，并于 1967 年 8 月 8 日与其他四个东南亚国家共同成立了东南亚国家联盟（东盟）。在苏加诺政权下的印尼与马来西亚对抗事件后仅几年，李光耀便于 1973 年 5 月 25 日对印尼进行了他的首次正式访问。随着两国之间的后续访问，新加坡与印尼之间的关系得到了显著改善。

Singapore has never had a dominant culture to which immigrants could assimilate even though Malay was the dominant language at that time.^[214] Together with efforts from the government and ruling party, Lee tried to create a unique Singaporean identity in the 1970s and 1980s—one which heavily recognised racial consciousness within the umbrella of multiculturalism.
【参考译文】尽管马来语是当时的主要语言，但新加坡从未有过一种能让移民融入的主导文化。[214] 在 20 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代，李光耀与政府和执政党的努力一起，试图在多元文化的保护伞下，创造一个独特的新加坡人身份——这一身份在种族意识上得到了高度认可。

Lee and his government stressed the importance of maintaining religious tolerance and racial harmony, and they were ready to use the law to counter any threat that might incite ethnic and religious violence. For example, Lee warned against “insensitive evangelisation”, by which he referred to instances of Christian proselytising directed at Malays. In 1974 the government advised the Bible Society of Singapore to stop publishing religious material in Malay.^[215]
【参考译文】李光耀和他的政府强调保持宗教宽容和种族和谐的重要性，他们准备用法律来打击任何可能煽动种族和宗教暴力的威胁。例如，李光耀曾警告说“不应进行不敏感的传教活动”，他指的是针对马来人的基督教传教活动。1974 年，政府建议新加坡圣经公会停止出版马来语宗教材料。[215]

6.1 防务 | Defence

The vulnerability of Singapore was deeply felt, with threats from multiple sources including the communists and Indonesia with its confrontational stance. Adding to this vulnerability was the impending withdrawal of British forces from East of Suez. As Singapore gained admission to the United Nations, Lee quickly sought international recognition of Singapore’s independence. He appointed Goh Keng Swee as Minister for the Interior and Defence to build up the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) and requested help from other countries, particularly Israel and Taiwan, for advice, training and facilities.^[216] In 1967, Lee introduced conscription for all able-bodied male Singaporean citizens 18 years of age to serve National Service (NS) either in the SAF, Singapore Police Force or the Singapore Civil Defence Force. By 1971, Singapore had 17 national service battalions (16,000 men) with 14 battalions (11,000 men) in the reserves.^[217] In 1975, Lee and Republic of China premier Chiang Ching-kuo signed an agreement permitting Singaporean troops to train in Taiwan, under the codename “Project Starlight”.^[218]
【参考译文】新加坡的脆弱性感受深刻，面临来自包括共产党和持对抗立场的印尼在内的多方威胁。此外，英国军队即将从苏伊士运河以东地区撤军，这也加剧了新加坡的脆弱性。随着新加坡获得联合国成员国资格，李光耀迅速寻求国际社会对其独立的认可。他任命吴庆瑞为内政与国防部长，以建立新加坡武装部队（SAF），并请求其他国家，特别是以色列和台湾，提供咨询、培训和设施方面的帮助。[216] 1967 年，李光耀实行征兵制，要求所有年满 18 周岁的身体健康的新加坡男性公民服兵役（NS），加入新加坡武装部队、新加坡警察部队或新加坡民防部队。到 1971 年，新加坡已有 17 个国民服役营（16,000 人），其中 14 个营（11,000 人）为后备役。[217] 1975 年，李光耀与中华民国总理蒋经国签署了一项协议，允许新加坡军队在台湾接受训练，代号“星光计划”。[218]

6.2 经济 | Economy

One of Lee’s most urgent tasks upon Singapore’s independence was to address high unemployment. Together with his economic aide, Economic Development Board chairman Hon Sui Sen, and in consultation with Dutch economist Albert Winsemius, Lee set up factories and initially focused on the manufacturing industry. Before the British completely withdrew from Singapore in 1971, Lee also persuaded the British not to destroy their dock and had the British naval dockyard later converted for civilian use.
【参考译文】新加坡独立后，李光耀面临的最紧迫任务之一是解决高失业率问题。他与经济顾问、经济发展局主席洪细弟（Hon Sui Sen）协商，并在荷兰经济学家阿尔伯特·温瑟米厄斯（Albert Winsemius）的建议下，建立了工厂，并最初将重点放在制造业上。在 1971 年英国完全撤出新加坡之前，李光耀还说服英国不要摧毁其码头，并将英国海军船坞后来转为民用。

Eventually, Lee and his cabinet decided the best way to boost Singapore’s economy was to attract foreign investments from multinational corporations (MNCs). By establishing First World infrastructure and standards in Singapore, the new nation could attract American, Japanese and European entrepreneurs and professionals to set up base there. By the 1970s, the arrival of MNCs like Texas Instruments, Hewlett-Packard and General Electric laid the foundations, turning Singapore into a major electronics exporter the following decade.^[219] Workers were frequently retrained to familiarise themselves with the work systems and cultures of foreign companies. The government also started several new industries, such as steel mills under ‘National Iron and Steel Mills’, service industries like Neptune Orient Lines, and the Singapore Airlines.^[220]
【参考译文】最终，李光耀和他的内阁决定，吸引跨国公司（MNC）的外国投资是提振新加坡经济的最佳方式。通过在新加坡建立一流的基础设施和标准，这个新国家可以吸引美国、日本和欧洲的企业家和专业人士在那里设立基地。到 20 世纪 70 年代，德州仪器、惠普和通用电气等跨国公司的到来奠定了基础，使新加坡在随后的十年里成为主要的电子产品出口国。[219] 经常对工人进行再培训，使他们熟悉外国公司的工作制度和文化。政府还创办了几个新产业，如“国家钢铁厂”旗下的钢铁厂、服务行业如东方海皇轮船公司（Neptune Orient Lines）和新加坡航空公司。[220]

Lee and his cabinet also worked to establish Singapore as an international financial centre. Foreign bankers were assured of the reliability of Singapore’s social conditions, with top-class infrastructure and skilled professionals, and investors were made to understand that the Singapore government would pursue sound macroeconomic policies, with budget surpluses, leading to a stable valued Singapore dollar.^[221]
【参考译文】李光耀和他的内阁还努力将新加坡建立为国际金融中心。外国银行家确信新加坡社会状况可靠，拥有顶级的基础设施和熟练的专业人员，投资者也了解到新加坡政府将实施健全的宏观经济政策，实现预算盈余，从而稳定新加坡元的币值。[221]

Throughout the tenure of his office, Lee placed great importance on developing the economy, and his attention to detail on this aspect went even to the extent of connecting it with other facets of Singapore, including the country’s extensive and meticulous tending of its international image of being a “Garden City”,^[222] something that has been sustained to this day.
【参考译文】在李光耀任职期间，他高度重视经济发展，并非常注重将其与新加坡的其他方面联系起来，包括该国对“花园城市”国际形象的广泛而细致的维护，[222] 这种形象一直持续到今天。

6.3 反腐败措施 | Anti-corruption measures

Lee introduced legislation giving the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) greater power to conduct arrests, search, call up witnesses, and investigate bank accounts and income-tax returns of suspected persons and their families.^[223] Lee believed that ministers should be well paid in order to maintain a clean and honest government. On 21 November 1986, Lee received a complaint of corruption against then Minister for National Development Teh Cheang Wan.^[224] Lee authorised the CPIB to carry out investigations on Teh, but Teh committed suicide before any charges could be pressed against him.^[225] In 1994, he proposed to link the salaries of ministers, judges, and top civil servants to the salaries of top professionals in the private sector, arguing that this would help recruit and retain talent to serve in the public sector.^[226]
【参考译文】李光耀颁布法律，赋予贪污调查局（CPIB）更大的权力，以逮捕嫌犯、搜查、传唤证人，并调查嫌犯及其家人的银行账户和所得税申报表。[223] 李光耀认为，应该给部长们优厚的薪水，以保持政府廉洁正直。1986 年 11 月 21 日，李光耀收到一份针对当时国家发展部部长陈章万（Teh Cheang Wan）的腐败投诉。[224] 李光耀授权贪污调查局对陈章万进行调查，但在对其提出任何指控之前，陈章万自杀身亡。[225] 1994 年，他提议将部长、法官和高级公务员的薪水与私营部门顶尖专业人士的薪水挂钩，认为这有助于招聘和留住人才，为公共部门服务。[226]

6.3+1 人口政策 | Population policies

See also: Population planning in Singapore【另请参阅：新加坡的人口规划】

In the late 1960s, fearing that Singapore’s growing population might overburden the developing economy, Lee started a “Stop at Two” family planning campaign. Couples were urged to undergo sterilisation after their second child. Third or fourth children were given lower priorities in education and such families received fewer economic rebates.^[226]
【参考译文】上世纪60年代末期，李光耀担心新加坡人口增长过快会给发展中的经济带来沉重负担，于是发起了“两个就够了”的计划生育运动。他呼吁夫妇在生育第二个孩子后进行绝育手术。第三个或第四个孩子在教育上得到的重视会减少，此类家庭获得的经济优惠也会变少。[226]

In 1983, Lee sparked the “Great Marriage Debate” when he encouraged Singapore men to choose highly educated women as wives.^[227] He was concerned that a large number of graduate women were unmarried.^[228] Some sections of the population, including graduate women, were upset by his views.^[228] Nevertheless, a match-making agency, the Social Development Unit (SDU),^[229] was set up to promote socialising among men and women graduates.^[226] In the Graduate Mothers Scheme, Lee also introduced incentives such as tax rebates, schooling, and housing priorities for graduate mothers who had three or four children, in a reversal of the over-successful “Stop at Two” family planning campaign in the 1960s and 1970s.
【参考译文】1983 年，李光耀鼓励新加坡男性选择受过高等教育的女性为妻，从而引发了“婚姻大辩论”。[227] 他担心大量女性毕业生未婚。[228] 包括女性毕业生在内的部分人口对此观点感到不满。[228] 尽管如此，新加坡还是成立了一家婚介机构——社会发展组（SDU），[229] 以促进男女毕业生之间的社交。[226] 在“毕业生母亲计划”中，李光耀还为有三个或四个孩子的毕业生母亲提供了税收优惠、教育机会和住房优先权等激励措施，这与 20 世纪 60 年代和 70 年代过度成功的“两个就够了”计划生育运动形成了鲜明对比。

Lee suggested that perhaps the campaign for women’s rights had been too successful:
【参考译文】李光耀提出，或许女性权利运动已经取得了过于成功的成果：

Equal employment opportunities, yes, but we shouldn’t get our women into jobs where they cannot, at the same time, be mothers…our most valuable asset is in the ability of our people, yet we are frittering away this asset through the unintended consequences of changes in our education policy and equal career opportunities for women. This has affected their traditional role … as mothers, the creators and protectors of the next generation.
【参考译文】就业机会平等，没错，但我们不应该让女性从事那些无法让她们同时担任母亲的工作……我们最宝贵的资产是人民的能力，但我们正在通过教育政策的变化和女性职业机会平等的意外后果，浪费这一资产。这影响了她们作为母亲、下一代创造者和保护者的传统角色。

— Lee Kuan Yew, “Talent for the future”, 14 August 1983^[230]
【参考译文】——李光耀，“未来的人才”，1983 年 8 月 14 日[230]

The uproar over the proposal led to a swing of 12.9 per cent against the PAP government in the 1984 general election. In 1985, some especially controversial portions of the policy, that gave education and housing priorities to educated women, were abandoned or modified.^[226][231]
【参考译文】这一提议引发的轩然大波导致 1984 年大选期间反对人民行动党政府的票数增加了 12.9%。1985 年，该政策中一些特别具有争议的部分（为受过教育的女性提供教育和住房方面的优先权）被放弃或修改。[226][231]

By the late 1990s the birth rate had fallen so low that Lee’s successor Goh Chok Tong extended these incentives to all married women, and gave even more incentives, such as the “baby bonus” scheme.^[226]
【参考译文】到 90 年代末期，出生率已降至极低水平，以至于李光耀的继任者吴作栋将这些激励措施扩大到所有已婚女性，并提供了更多的激励措施，如“婴儿奖励”计划。[226]

6.5 水资源 | Water resources

Singapore has traditionally relied on water from Malaysia. However, this reliance has made Singapore subject to the possibility of price increases and allowed Malaysian officials to use the water reliance as political leverage by threatening to cut off supply. To reduce this problem, Lee decided to experiment with water recycling in 1974.^[232] As a result of such efforts, Singapore has achieved self-sufficiency with its water supply since the mid-2010s.^[233]
【参考译文】新加坡一直依赖马来西亚的供水。然而，这种依赖使新加坡可能面临价格上涨，并使马来西亚官员能够利用对供水的依赖作为政治筹码，威胁要切断供水。为减轻这一问题，李光耀于 1974 年决定试验水资源循环利用。[232] 经过这些努力，新加坡自 2010 年代中期以来在供水方面已实现自给自足。[233]

Under Lee tree planting was pursued, in 1963 he began a tree-planting campaign which aimed to plant 10,000 saplings a year and in 1971 a ‘Tree-Planting Day’ was established. One of the goals of this was to increase rainfall.^[234][235] He also made efforts to clean Singapore’s waters for collection and use.^[236]
【参考译文】在李光耀的推动下，新加坡开始了植树造林活动。1963 年，他发起了一项植树造林运动，目标是每年种植 10,000 株树苗。1971 年，设立了“植树节”。其中一个目标是增加降雨量。[234][235] 他还努力净化新加坡的水资源以供收集和使用。[236]

6.6 环境 | Environment

Lee envisioned Singapore as a garden city,^[237] declaring that “no other hallmark of success will be more distinctive than that of achieving our position as the cleanest and greenest city in Southeast Asia“.^[238] He would later say that “greening is the most cost-effective project I have launched”.^[239]
【参考译文】

李光耀设想将新加坡建设成花园城市，[237] 并宣称“没有其他成功的标志比成为东南亚最清洁、最绿色的城市更显著”。[238] 他后来表示，“绿化是我发起的最具成本效益的项目”。[239]

Lee set up an ‘Anti-Pollution Unit’ stating that its importance resided in giving citizens “respite from city centres” and in the small size of Singapore which made it necessary to “preserve a clean and gracious environment for rich and poor alike”.^[240] In 1995 Lee declared “I have always believed that a blighted urban landscape, a concrete jungle, destroys the human spirit. We need the greenery of nature to lift our spirits”.^[241]
【参考译文】李光耀设立了“反污染部门”，并指出其重要性在于让市民“从市中心得到喘息”，以及新加坡面积小，因此必须“为富人和穷人保留一个清洁优雅的环境”。[240] 1995 年，李光耀宣称：“我一直认为，破败的城市景观、混凝土丛林会摧毁人类的精神。我们需要大自然的绿意来振奋精神”。[241]

Lee saw this as a means of attracting tourists and businesspeople to the city.^[242] He wrote that “without a word being said, they would know that Singaporeans were competent, disciplined, and reliable, a people who would learn the skills they required soon enough”.^[243] After independence Lee sought for “some dramatic way to distinguish ourselves from other Third World countries. I settled for a clean and green Singapore”^[244] because “if we had First World standards then business people and tourists would make us a base for their business and tours of the region”.^[245]
【参考译文】李光耀认为，这是吸引游客和商人前来新加坡的一种手段。[242] 他写道，“无需多言，他们就会知道新加坡人是能干、守纪律和可靠的，是很快就能学会所需技能的人”。[243] 独立后，李光耀寻求“一些引人注目的方式来使我们与其他第三世界国家区分开来。我选择了清洁绿色的新加坡”，[244] 因为“如果我们有第一世界国家的标准，那么商人和游客就会把我们作为在该地区开展业务和旅游活动的基地”。[245]

Lee considered air conditioning the most important invention of the 20th century for Singapore.^[246] Air quality relates to work quality and as such Lee made sure air conditioning was installed in the offices of the Singaporean civil service in the 1960s.^[247]
【参考译文】李光耀认为空调是 20 世纪新加坡最重要的发明。[246] 空气质量与工作质量息息相关，因此李光耀在 20 世纪 60 年代确保新加坡公务员办公室安装了空调。[247]

6.7 社会政策 | Foreign policy

6.7.1 马来西亚和马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德 | Malaysia and Mahathir Mohamad

Lee looked forward to improving relationships with Mahathir Mohamad upon the latter’s promotion to Deputy Prime Minister. Knowing that Mahathir was in line to become the next Prime Minister of Malaysia, Lee invited Mahathir to visit Singapore in 1978. The first and subsequent visits improved both personal and diplomatic relationships between them. Then UMNO‘s Secretary-General Mahathir asked Lee to cut off all links with the Democratic Action Party; in exchange, Mahathir undertook not to interfere in the affairs of Malay Singaporeans.^{[citation needed]}
【参考译文】李光耀期待在马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德升任副总理后改善与他的关系。由于知道马哈蒂尔将出任马来西亚下一任总理，李光耀于 1978 年邀请马哈蒂尔访问新加坡。马哈蒂尔的首次访问和后续访问都改善了他们之间的个人和外交关系。然后，巫统秘书长马哈蒂尔要求李光耀切断与民主行动党的所有联系；作为交换，马哈蒂尔承诺不干涉马来裔新加坡人的事务。[需要引证]

In June 1988, Lee and Mahathir reached an agreement in Kuala Lumpur to build the Linggui dam on the Johor River.^[248] Lee said he had made more progress solving bilateral issues with Dr Mahathir from 1981 to 1990 than in the previous 12 years with the latter’s two predecessors.^[197] Mahathir ordered the lifting of the ban on the export of construction materials to Singapore in 1981, agreed to sort out Malaysia’s claim to Pedra Branca island and affirmed it would honour the 1962 Water Agreement.^[197]
【参考译文】1988 年 6 月，李光耀与马哈蒂尔在吉隆坡达成协议，在柔佛河上修建灵桂水坝。[248] 李光耀称，他与马哈蒂尔在 1981 年至 1990 年期间在解决双边问题上取得的进展，比之前 12 年与马哈蒂尔两任前任的合作还要多。[197] 1981 年，马哈蒂尔下令解除对新加坡出口建筑材料的禁令，同意解决马来西亚对白礁岛的主权问题，并重申将遵守 1962 年《水协议》。[197]

One day before Lee left office in November 1990, Malaysia and Singapore signed the Malaysia–Singapore Points of Agreement of 1990 (POA). Malayan Railways (KTM) would vacate the Tanjong Pagar railway station and move to Bukit Timah while all KTM’s land between Bukit Timah and Tanjong Pagar would revert to Singapore. Railway land at Tanjong Pagar would be handed over to a private limited company for joint development, the equity of which would be divided 60% to Malaysia and 40% to Singapore. However, Prime Minister Mahathir expressed his displeasure with the POA, for it failed to include a piece of railway land in Bukit Timah for joint development in 1993.
【参考译文】李光耀于 1990 年 11 月卸任前一天，马来西亚和新加坡签署了《1990 年马来西亚-新加坡协议要点》（POA）。马来亚铁路公司（KTM）将搬离丹戎巴葛火车站，迁往武吉知马，而 KTM 在武吉知马和丹戎巴葛之间的所有土地将归还给新加坡。丹戎巴葛的铁路用地将移交给一家私人有限公司进行联合开发，其股权将按 60% 归马来西亚，40% 归新加坡的比例分配。然而，马来西亚总理马哈蒂尔对 POA 表示不满，因为该协议未能将武吉知马的一块铁路用地纳入 1993 年的联合开发。

Following Lee’s death, Mahathir posted a blog post that suggested his respect for Lee despite their differences, stating that while “I am afraid on most other issues we could not agree […] [h]is passage marks the end of the period when those who fought for independence lead their countries and knew the value of independence. ASEAN lost a strong leadership after President Suharto and Lee Kuan Yew”.^[249]
【参考译文】李光耀逝世后，马哈蒂尔发表了一篇博客文章，表示尽管他们之间存在分歧，但他仍然尊重李光耀。他表示，“在其他大多数问题上，我们恐怕无法达成一致意见……他的逝世标志着为独立而战的人领导国家、了解独立价值的时代的结束。在苏哈托总统和李光耀之后，东盟失去了强大的领导力”。[249]

6.7.2 美国 | United States

In his book “The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew”, Lee detailed an incident where in 1960, the CIA allegedly attempted to bribe certain members of his party, the PAP, in an attempt to create division and weaken his leadership, however the official had reported the bribery attempt instead of accepting the money.^[250][251] According to Lee, this was part of a broader strategy by the United States to influence the political landscape in Southeast Asia during the Cold War.^[252] He mentioned that he confronted the CIA’s representative in Singapore and demanded an explanation and compensation for this interference. After having two CIA agents arrested, Lee requested 3.5 million dollars in economic aid in exchange for the covert release of the two agents. The Americans rejected this offer and presented a counter-offer of 3.3 million dollars to be given directly to Lee and the People’s Action Party, but the men were later released without any financial exchange. However instead of taking a passive approach, Lee negotiated with the CIA and eventually the US government agreed to pay a sum of 3.3 million dollars in formal economic aid to Singapore, which Lee claimed was to ensure that the U.S. would not interfere in Singapore’s internal affairs. Lee revealed this incident in 1965, which led to the Americans to deny it ever occurred; however, Lee later made public a letter of apology from the US Secretary of State Dean Rusk over the incident.^{[253][254][255]}
【参考译文】在李光耀的著作《新加坡故事：李光耀回忆录》中，他详细叙述了 1960 年发生的一起事件。据称，中央情报局（CIA）试图贿赂他的人民行动党（PAP）的某些成员，以制造分裂并削弱他的领导地位，但这位官员上报了贿赂企图而没有接受贿款。[250][251] 根据李光耀的说法，这是美国在冷战期间影响东南亚政治格局的更广泛战略的一部分。[252] 他提到，他向驻新加坡的中央情报局代表提出对质，并要求对方就这一干涉行为给出解释和赔偿。在逮捕了两名中央情报局特工后，李光耀要求 350 万美元的经济援助，以换取秘密释放这两名特工。美国人拒绝了这一提议，并提出了一项反提议，即直接向李光耀和人民行动党提供 330 万美元，但后来这两名男子在没有任何金钱交易的情况下被释放。然而，李光耀并没有采取被动态度，而是与中央情报局进行了谈判，最终美国政府同意向新加坡支付 330 万美元作为正式经济援助，李光耀声称这是为了确保美国不会干涉新加坡的内政。李光耀于 1965 年披露了这一事件，导致美国人否认其曾发生过；然而，李光耀后来公开了美国国务卿迪安·腊斯克就此事致歉的一封信。[253][254][255]

Lee fully supported the US involvement in the Vietnam War. Even as the war began to lose its popularity in the United States, Lee made his first official visit to the United States in October 1967, and declared to President Lyndon B. Johnson that his support for the war in Vietnam was “unequivocal”. Lee saw the war as necessary for states in Southeast Asia like Singapore to buy time for stabilising their governments and economies.^[256][257] Lee cultivated close relationships with presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan,^[258] as well as former secretaries of state Henry Kissinger^[259] and George Shultz.^[260] In 1967 Nixon, who was running for president in 1968, visited Singapore and met with Lee, who advised that the United States had much to gain by engaging with China, culminating in Richard Nixon’s 1972 visit to China.^[261]
【参考译文】李光耀全力支持美国参与越南战争。即使这场战争在美国开始失去民心，李光耀仍于 1967 年 10 月对美国进行了首次正式访问，并向时任总统林登·B·约翰逊宣布他对越南战争的支持“毫不含糊”。李光耀认为，对于新加坡等东南亚国家而言，这场战争是必要的，因为它们需要时间来稳定各自的政府和经济。[256][257] 李光耀与理查德·尼克松和罗纳德·里根总统[258]以及前国务卿亨利·基辛格[259]和乔治·舒尔茨[260]建立了密切的关系。1967 年，正在竞选 1968 年总统的尼克松访问了新加坡并与李光耀会面，李光耀建议美国通过与中国的接触来获得更多利益，这最终促成了理查德·尼克松 1972 年对中国的访问。[261]

In the 1980s, closer defence relations between Singapore and the United States enabled Singapore to acquire advanced American weapon platforms and capabilities. The United States provided Singapore with aircraft such as the F-16 and the E-2C airborne early warning (AEW) to strengthen its air defences.^[262]
【参考译文】20世纪80年代，新加坡与美国之间更加紧密的国防关系使新加坡能够获得先进的美国武器平台和装备。美国向新加坡提供了F-16战斗机以及E-2C空中预警机（AEW），以加强其防空能力。[262]

In October 1985, Lee made a state visit to the United States on the invitation of President Reagan and addressed a joint session of the United States Congress. Lee stressed to Congress the importance of free trade and urged it not to turn towards protectionism:
【参考译文】1985年10月，应里根总统的邀请，李光耀对美国进行了国事访问，并在美国国会联席会议上发表了讲话。李光耀向国会强调了自由贸易的重要性，并敦促其不要转向保护主义：

It is inherent in America’s position as the preeminent economic, political and military power to have to settle and uphold the rules for orderly change and progress… In the interests of peace and security America must uphold the rules of international conduct which rewards peaceful cooperative behaviour and punishes transgressions of the peace. A replay of the depression of the 1930s, which led to World War II, will be ruinous for all. All the major powers of the West share the responsibility of not repeating this mistake. But America’s is the primary responsibility, for she is the anchor economy of the free-market economies of the world.^[258]

【参考译文】美国作为世界领先的经济、政治和军事强国，其固有地位决定了它必须建立和维护有序变革和进步的规则……为了和平与安全，美国必须维护国际行为规则，奖励和平合作行为，惩罚破坏和平的行为。20 世纪 30 年代导致第二次世界大战的大萧条重演，将对所有人造成毁灭性打击。西方所有主要大国都有责任避免重蹈覆辙。但美国负有首要责任，因为它是世界自由市场经济的支柱经济体。[258]

In May 1988, E. Mason “Hank” Hendrickson was serving as the First Secretary of the United States Embassy when he was expelled by the Singapore government.^[263][264] The Singapore government alleged that Hendrickson attempted to interfere in Singapore’s internal affairs by cultivating opposition figures in a “Marxist conspiracy“.^[265] Then-First Deputy Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong claimed that Hendrickson’s alleged conspiracy could have resulted in the election of 20 or 30 opposition politicians to Parliament, which in his words could lead to “horrendous” effects, possibly even the paralysis and fall of the Singapore government.^[266] In the aftermath of Hendrickson’s expulsion, the U.S. State Department praised Hendrickson’s performance in Singapore and denied any impropriety in his actions.^[263] The State Department also expelled Robert Chua, a senior-level Singaporean diplomat equal in rank to Hendrickson, from Washington, D.C., in response.^[267][268] The State Department’s refusal to reprimand Hendrickson, along with its expulsion of the Singaporean diplomat, sparked a rare protest in Singapore by the National Trades Union Congress; they drove buses around the U.S. embassy, held a rally attended by four thousand workers, and issued a statement deriding the U.S. as “sneaky, arrogant, and untrustworthy”.^[269]
【参考译文】1988年5月，时任美国驻新加坡大使馆一等秘书的E·梅森“汉克”·亨德里克森被新加坡政府驱逐出境。[263][264]新加坡政府称，亨德里克森企图通过培养反对派人物参与“马克思主义阴谋”来干涉新加坡内政。[265]时任第一副总理吴作栋声称，亨德里克森所谓的阴谋可能导致议会中20或30名反对派政客当选，他声称这可能会导致“可怕”的后果，甚至可能导致新加坡政府瘫痪和倒台。[266]在亨德里克森被驱逐出境后，美国国务院对他在新加坡的表现表示赞赏，并否认他的行为有任何不当之处。[263]作为回应，美国国务院也将与亨德里克森同级的资深新加坡外交官罗伯特·蔡从美国华盛顿特区驱逐出境。[267][268]美国国务院拒绝谴责亨德里克森，并驱逐了新加坡外交官，这在新加坡引发了全国职工总会的罕见抗议；他们开车绕美国大使馆游行，并举行了有四千名工人参加的集会，还发表声明称美国“阴险、傲慢、不可信”。[269]

6.7.3 中国（大陆和台湾）| China

新加坡初独立之时，李光耀曾对外说了这么一段话。“我不是中国人，就如肯尼迪总统不是个爱尔兰人。慢慢的，世人会知道，新加坡姓李、高、王、杨、林的人们，外表上是中国人，说着华文，然而却与中国人不同。我们有中国人的血统，我们不否认这点；但重要的是，我们以新加坡的立场思考，关心新加坡的权益，而不是以中国人的立场，为中国人的权益着想。”

Singapore did not establish diplomatic relations with China until the U.S. and Southeast Asia had decided they wanted to do so in order to avoid portraying a pro-China bias.^[270][271] His official visits to China starting in 1976 were conducted in English, to assure other countries that he represented Singapore, and not a “Third China” (the first two being the Republic of China and People’s Republic of China).^[272]
【参考译文】直到美国和东南亚国家决定与中国建立外交关系，新加坡才与中国建立外交关系，以避免被视为亲华人士。[270][271] 自 1976 年以来，他每次对中国的正式访问都是用英语进行的，以向其他国家保证他代表的是新加坡，而不是“第三中国”（前两个中国是中华民国和中华人民共和国）。[272]

In November 1978, after China had stabilised following political turmoil in the aftermath of Mao Zedong‘s death and the Gang of Four, Deng Xiaoping visited Singapore and met Lee. Deng, who was very impressed with Singapore’s economic development, greenery and housing, and later sent tens of thousands of Chinese to Singapore and countries around the world to learn from their experiences and bring back their knowledge as part of the opening of China beginning in December 1978. Lee, on the other hand, advised Deng to stop exporting Communist ideologies to Southeast Asia, an advice that Deng later followed.^[273][274] This culminated in the exchange of Trade Offices between the two nations in September 1981.^[275] In 1985, commercial air services between mainland China and Singapore commenced^[276] and China appointed Goh Keng Swee, Singapore’s finance minister in the post-independence years, as advisor on the development of Special Economic Zones.^[277]
【参考译文】1978 年 11 月，中国在经历了毛泽东逝世和四人帮解散后的政治动荡后，局势趋于稳定。邓小平访问新加坡，与李光耀会面。邓小平对新加坡的经济发展、绿化和住房状况印象深刻。1978 年 12 月，随着中国对外开放，邓小平派遣数万名中国人前往新加坡和世界各国学习经验，并将知识带回国。另一方面，李光耀建议邓小平停止向东南亚输出共产主义思想，邓小平后来采纳了这一建议。[273][274] 最终，两国于 1981 年 9 月互设贸易办事处。[275] 1985 年，中国大陆和新加坡之间的商业航空服务开始运行[276]，中国任命新加坡独立后的财政部长吴庆瑞为经济特区发展顾问。[277]

李光耀领导的新加坡政府在1970年代开始与中华人民共和国交往，双方都放弃了之前的敌对政策（中华人民共和国国务院总理周恩来曾指责李光耀是“帝国主义的走狗”^[16]）。1976年5月，李光耀应邀首次访华，会晤过中国共产党中央委员会主席毛泽东、国务院总理华国锋等多位中华人民共和国领导人。之后，他多次访中国大陆，和邓小平、赵紫阳、李先念等中华人民共和国国家领导人会面。 李光耀对中华人民共和国领导人邓小平一直十分尊重，两人首次见面在1978年，时任国务院副总理邓小平出访新加坡，并获李的高规格接待。两人确实有许多共同点，例如在经济上皆力主市场经济和改革开放，皆留学欧洲，皆喜博览群籍知识丰富，极具理想抱负远见，施政手法精明务实，政治斗争经验丰富，有战争经验皆遇过生死关头，自奉甚俭而正直廉洁，两人都深具领导魅力等，因而李光耀与邓小平两人被许多传媒拿来比较。李曾公开为邓小平主持镇压六四学生运动辩护（虽然在六四天安门事件发生后，新加坡也曾向香港居民发出过2,000张移民签证），并认为“此类举措与人权问题无关，是为维护国家稳定的必要手段”。1990年10月3日，新加坡共和国宣布与中华人民共和国建立外交关系，成为同中华人民共和国建交最晚的亚洲国家之一。

On 3 October 1990, Singapore revised diplomatic relations from the Republic of China to the People’s Republic of China.
【参考译文】1990年10月3日，新加坡将与中华民国的外交关系改为中华人民共和国。

1992年9月，李光耀赴江苏考察，最后选择在苏州金鸡湖边的一片农田上启动并主导建设了了苏州工业园区的开发项目。同年12月，中华人民共和国主席杨尚昆访问新加坡并与国务资政李光耀会谈，两人促成后来两岸历史性在新加坡举行的辜汪会谈。^[17][18]2007年，在苏州工业园区成立15周年的大会上，李光耀表示，自己当初选址苏州是正确的^[19]。

据统计，2013年之前《人民日报》曾经12次称李光耀为“中国人民的老朋友”。但在更早的改革开放以前，曾经94次称李光耀为“傀儡”（“帝国主义者的傀儡”、“新加坡李光耀傀儡政权”、“东古·阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼—李光耀傀儡集团”等是最常见的搭配形式），是“老朋友”称呼的近8倍。^[20]

2018年12月18日，在中国庆祝改革开放40周年大会上，李光耀获颁“中国改革友谊奖章”。作为唯一获奖的东南亚国家政治人物，他获中国官方评价为，“推动新加坡深度参与中国改革开放进程的政治家”^[21]。

李光耀与中华民国方面的关系十分密切。1970年代，新加坡和台湾进行了包括军事在内的多项合作，李本人也多次访问台湾，与时任总统蒋经国私交很好。1988年李登辉上台后，双李也交往甚密，1989年3月李登辉就任总统后首次访问即是新加坡。后来基于对李光耀友谊，李登辉在“辜汪会谈”地点让原本不是第一选择的新加坡脱颖而出。^[22]

李光耀来台出访溪头，蒋经国见其与乡民以闽南语相谈甚欢感到沮丧；蒋经国在国民党会议上，与党政要员们说：“我们一直想要打进台湾人的圈子里边，台湾人不习惯、不认同，因为我们不亲切。我们就是先天劣势，连李光耀都能跟台湾人通话，我们不能。”还沮丧的对立法委员康宁祥说：“国外的元首访问台湾，竟然可直接与台湾民众交谈，而我身为中华民国总统，不会讲台湾话，连李光耀与台湾民众说什么都听不懂。”亲民党主席宋楚瑜亦提到，有一年李光耀来访，与蒋经国到溪头，当时李光耀可用闽南语跟台湾民众直接沟通，让蒋经国好羡慕，蒋经国自惭自己身为国家领导人，反而听不懂台湾民众说什么，于是才开始学闽南语，到蒋后期，虽仍不太会讲，但听都已经听得懂。^[23][24][25]

李登辉在《李登辉执政告白实录》曾提及在1994年时，台湾曾有构想由两岸及新加坡合资成立船务公司，专门经营两岸之间的海线运输，并希望公司在新加坡注册，以避免两岸在主权上争议。然而在9月李光耀访问台湾时，除了表达新加坡想当老板外，更对李登辉鼓吹民族主义，认为美国人不可靠，台湾不应该相信美国保护。对此李登辉仅表示台湾最重要是民主化，前途应由人民决定。双方呈现分歧，但并未破坏谈话气氛。^[26]然而李光耀之后言论开始转向，将新加坡生意做不成的原因完全怪罪台湾，并指责李登辉。李登辉对此怀疑李光耀是受到与江泽民会面时受其影响。^[27]陈水扁总统上台后，一位美国共和党重要人士在李光耀访问前曾到台湾私下会见李登辉、陈水扁，即向台湾当局暗示千万不要找李光耀当中间人，该人士更直陈“与其找李光耀，还不如找韩国的金大中”，表明美国对李光耀在亚太地区功能的观点。^[28]

6.7.4 柬埔寨（高棉）| Cambodia

Lee opposed the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1978.^[278] The Singapore government organised an international campaign to condemn Vietnam and provided aid to the Khmer Rouge which was fighting against Vietnamese occupation during the Cambodian–Vietnamese War from 1978 to 1989. In his memoirs, Lee recounted that in 1982, “Singapore gave the first few hundreds of several batches of AK-47 rifles, hand grenades, ammunition and communication equipment” to the Khmer Rouge resistance forces.^[279][280]
【参考译文】李光耀反对越南于1978年入侵柬埔寨。[278]新加坡政府组织了一场国际运动，谴责越南，并向在1978年至1989年的柬越战争中反抗越南占领的红色高棉提供援助。在他的回忆录中，李光耀回忆说，1982年，“新加坡向红色高棉抵抗力量提供了前几批数百支AK-47步枪、手榴弹、弹药和通信设备”。[279][280]

7. 内阁资政（1990-2004年）| Senior Minister (1990–2004)

1990年，李光耀辞去总理职务，担任内阁资政（Senior Minister），维持其在政坛的影响力，被指“垂帘听政”^[29]。

After leading the PAP to victory in seven elections, Lee stepped down on 28 November 1990, handing over the prime ministership to Goh Chok Tong.^[281] By that time, he had become the world’s longest-serving prime minister.^[282] This was the first leadership transition since independence. Goh was elected as the new Prime Minister by the younger ministers then in office. When Goh Chok Tong became head of government, Lee remained in the cabinet with a non-executive position of Senior Minister^[283] and played a role he described as advisory. Lee subsequently stepped down as secretary-general of the PAP and was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong on 2 December 1992.^[284]
【参考译文】在带领人民行动党赢得七次大选后，李光耀于1990年11月28日辞职，将总理一职交给了吴作栋。[281]到那时，他已成为世界上任职时间最长的总理。[282]这是自独立以来的首次领导层更迭。吴作栋由当时在职的年轻部长们推选为新总理。当吴作栋成为政府首脑时，李光耀在内阁中担任非执行职务的高级部长（内阁资政）[283]，并扮演了他所说的顾问角色。随后，李光耀于1992年12月2日辞去人民行动党秘书长一职，由吴作栋接任。[284]

2004年9月，李光耀之子李显龙接任总理后，英国《经济学人》杂志发表文章，指责新加坡政治中存在的裙带关系。李光耀威胁诉诸法律，后该杂志刊登了公开的道歉信与赔偿。但是新加坡的反对党指《经济学人》因在新加坡设有地区总部，因此新加坡的法律对此有司法管辖权，才迫使《经济学人》道歉。

7.1 共管公寓回扣 | Condominium rebates

Main article: 1995 Hotel Properties Limited apartment sales
【主条目：1995年酒店物业有限公司公寓销售】

In April 1996, Lee and his son, Lee Hsien Loong, disclosed that they had purchased apartments located at Nassim Jade and Scotts 28 from Hotel Properties Ltd, a real estate developer listed on the Stock Exchange of Singapore, at substantial discounts ranging from 5 to 12 per cent.^[285] The dispute arose amidst rampant property speculation in Singapore.^[286] Upon learning of the issue, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong swiftly initiated an immediate investigation into the matter. While Singapore law permits the provision of special discounts or rebates to relatives and associates of directors, it is imperative that such transactions receive approval from shareholders.^[287]
【参考译文】1996年4月，李光耀和他的儿子李显龙透露，他们已从新加坡证券交易所上市的房地产开发商酒店物业有限公司，以高达5%至12%的大幅折扣购买了位于纳西姆翡翠和斯科特28公寓的公寓。[285]这一争议在新加坡房地产投机猖獗之际发生。[286]在得知此事后，总理吴作栋迅速对此事展开调查。虽然新加坡法律允许向董事的亲属和关联方提供特别折扣或回扣，但此类交易必须获得股东的批准。[287]

This disclosure prompted sufficient public disquiet for Lee to appear before Parliament to explain the purchases.^[288] Lee said that as he was a prominent figure, the developer had a “legitimate incentive” to provide discounts for publicity, and that he had previously purchased a car and acquired services from his tailor and cobbler at a discount.^[289] The amount saved was donated to charity.^[286]
【参考译文】这一披露引发了公众的强烈不满，促使李光耀出现在议会面前解释此次购买。[288]李光耀表示，由于他是公众人物，开发商有“合法动机”为了宣传而提供折扣，而他之前也曾以折扣价购买过汽车，并从裁缝和修鞋匠那里获得过服务。[289]节省下来的钱被捐给了慈善机构。[286]

8. 国务资政（2004-2011年）| Minister Mentor (2004–2011)

In December 2004, Lee stepped down to become Minister Mentor. Expressing concern about the declining proficiency of Mandarin among younger Chinese Singaporeans, he started a year-long campaign called “华语 Cool!” (Mandarin is Cool!) to garner interest in using Mandarin.^[290]
【参考译文】2004年12月，李光耀辞职，担任内阁资政。他对年轻的新加坡华裔的普通话水平下降表示担忧，因此发起了一项为期一年的名为“华语 Cool!”（普通话很酷！）的活动，以激发人们对使用普通话的兴趣。[290]

2006年9月15日，李光耀在公共政策学院主办的莱佛士论坛上，发表“马来西亚和印尼政府有系统边缘化华人”相关言论，引起与邻国马来西亚与印尼的外交风波^[4]。

On 13 September 2008, Lee underwent treatment for abnormal heart rhythm (atrial flutter) at Singapore General Hospital. The treatment was successful, and he was well enough to address a philanthropy forum via video link from the hospital.^[291] On 28 September 2010, he was hospitalised for a chest infection, cancelling plans to attend the wake of the Senior Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Balaji Sadasivan.^[292]
【参考译文】2008年9月13日，李光耀在新加坡总医院接受了心律异常（心房扑动）的治疗。手术很成功，他身体状况良好，足以通过视频连线在医院参加一个慈善论坛。[291]2010年9月28日，他因胸部感染住院，取消了参加外交部长高级政务部长巴拉吉·萨达西万守夜仪式的计划。[292]

In November 2010, Lee’s private conversations with James Steinberg, US Deputy Secretary of State, on 30 May 2009 were among the leaked US Embassy cables. In a US Embassy report classified as “Secret”, Lee gave his assessment of a number of Asian leaders and views on political developments in North Asia, including implications for nuclear proliferation.^[293]
【参考译文】2010年11月，李光耀与美国副国务卿詹姆斯·斯坦伯格 (James Steinberg) 在2009年5月30日的私人谈话，被泄露的美国大使馆电报所曝光。在一份被美国大使馆列为“机密”的报告中，李光耀对亚洲多位领导人进行了评估，并对包括核扩散在内的北亚政治发展表达了自己的看法。[293]

In January 2011, the Straits Times Press published the book Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths To Keep Singapore Going.^[294] Targeted at younger Singaporeans, it was based on 16 interviews with Lee by seven local journalists in 2008–2009. The first print run of 45,000 copies sold out in less than a month after it was launched in January 2011. Another batch of 55,000 copies was made available shortly after.^[295]
【参考译文】2011年1月，《海峡时报出版社》出版了《李光耀：让新加坡继续前行的艰难真相》一书。[294]该书以七位当地记者于2008年至2009年间对李光耀的16次采访为基础，面向年轻的新加坡人。该书首批印刷的45,000册在2011年1月推出后不到一个月即售罄。随后又加印了55,000册。[295]

After the 2011 general elections in which the Workers’ Party, a major opposition political party in Singapore, made unprecedented gains by winning a Group Representation Constituency (GRC), Lee announced that he decided to leave the Cabinet for the Prime Minister, Lee Hsien Loong, and his team to have a clean slate.^[296] Some analysts, such as Citigroup economist Kit Wei Zheng, believed that the senior Lee had contributed to the PAP’s poor performance.^[297] In particular, he stated during campaigning that the voters of Aljunied constituency had “five years to live and repent” if they elected the Workers’ Party, which some viewed as having backfired for the PAP as the opposition went on to win Aljunied.^[298]
【参考译文】在2011年的大选中，新加坡的主要反对党工党赢得了团体代表制选区（Group Representation Constituency，简称GRC），取得了前所未有的胜利。此后，李光耀宣布他决定离开内阁，以便为总理李显龙及其团队提供一个全新的起点。[296]一些分析人士，如花旗集团经济学家祈伟正（Kit Wei Zheng），认为资深领导人李光耀对人民行动党表现不佳负有责任。[297]特别是他在竞选期间表示，如果选民选择工党，那么阿裕尼选区的选民将有“五年时间可以活着并悔改”，这被一些人视为人民行动党的“搬起石头砸自己的脚”，因为反对党后来赢得了阿裕尼选区。[298]

2011年新加坡大选，李光耀在拉票时说：“即使人民行动党输掉阿裕尼集选区，并非世界末日（意指行动党完蛋），可是阿裕尼选民可要后悔5年，因为行动党只会照顾她所胜的选区。”。这一番“忏悔论”惹来在野党的攻击，而选民也不甘被李光耀“威胁”，纷纷出门万人空巷地聚集在反对党所举行的群众大会声援反对党候选人，这迫使时任总理李显龙公开向选民道歉，并说李光耀那一套有话直说的治理方式已不合时宜。李光耀的言论也间接导致行动党在大选中，获得建国以来最低得票率，并首次在阿裕尼集选区败给反对党工人党（人民行动党在独立后首次在集选区失利）。李光耀与另一位前总理吴作栋之后发表联合声明，宣布不会出任新内阁任何职务，自此李光耀正式引退。^[31]

In a column in the Sunday Times on 6 November 2011, Lee’s daughter, Lee Wei Ling, revealed that her father had peripheral neuropathy.^[299] In the column, she recounted how she first noticed her father’s ailments when she accompanied him to meet the former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in Connecticut in October 2009. Wei Ling, a neurologist, “did a few simple neurological tests and decided the nerves to his legs were not working as they should”. A day later, when interviewed at a constituency tree-planting event, Lee stated: “I have no doubt at all that this has not affected my mind, my will nor my resolve” and that “people in wheel chairs can make a contribution. I’ve still got two legs, I will make a contribution”.^[300]
【参考译文】2011年11月6日，李光耀的女儿李玮玲在《星期日泰晤士报》上发表专栏文章，透露她父亲患有周围神经病。[299]在文章中，她回忆了2009年10月陪同父亲前往康涅狄格州会见前美国国务卿亨利·基辛格时，她首次注意到父亲患有疾病的情况。李玮玲是一名神经科医生，“她做了一些简单的神经测试，并断定父亲的腿部神经没有正常工作”。一天后，在接受一个选区植树活动的采访时，李光耀表示：“我毫不怀疑这没有影响到我的思想、意志和决心”，并说“坐在轮椅上的人也能做出贡献。我还有两条腿，我会做出贡献”。[300]

9. 患病和逝世 | Illness and death

Main article: Death and state funeral of Lee Kuan Yew【主条目：李光耀的逝世与国葬】

主条目：李光耀之死

On 15 February 2013, Lee was admitted to Singapore General Hospital following a prolonged cardiac dysrhythmia, which was followed by a brief stoppage of blood flow to the brain.^{[301][302][303][304]} For the first time in his career as a Member of Parliament (MP), Lee missed the annual Chinese New Year dinner at his constituency, where he was supposed to be the guest-of-honour.^[305][306] He was subsequently discharged, but continued to receive anti-coagulant therapy.^{[307][308][309]}
【参考译文】2013年2月15日，李光耀因长期心律不齐被送入新加坡总医院，随后出现短暂性脑供血不足。[301][302][303][304]作为国会议员（MP），李光耀首次错过了他选区的年度春节晚宴，而他本应作为该晚宴的荣誉嘉宾出席。[305][306]随后他出院了，但继续接受抗凝治疗。[307][308][309]

The following year, Lee missed his constituency’s Chinese New Year dinner for the second consecutive time owing to bodily bacterial invasion.^[310] In April 2014, a photo depicting a cadaverous Lee was released online, drawing strong reactions from netizens.^[311] According to Lee’s daughter, Lee Wei Ling, Lee had discussed euthanasia which is not a legal option in Singapore.^[312][313]
【参考译文】第二年，李光耀因身体细菌入侵而连续第二年缺席了他选区的春节晚宴。[310]2014年4月，一张描绘李光耀消瘦面容的照片在网上发布，引起网民的强烈反应。[311]据李光耀的女儿李玮玲说，李光耀曾讨论过安乐死的问题，但这在新加坡并不是合法的选择。[312][313]

On 5 February 2015, Lee was hospitalised for pneumonia and was put on a ventilator at the intensive care unit of Singapore General Hospital, although his condition was reported initially as “stable”.^[314][315] A 26 February update stated that he was again being given antibiotics, while being sedated and still under mechanical ventilation.^[316][317] From 17 to 22 March, Lee continued weakening as he developed an infection while on life support, and he was described as “critically ill”.^{[318][319][320]}
【参考译文】2015年2月5日，李光耀因肺炎住进新加坡总医院，并在重症监护室接受呼吸机治疗，尽管他的病情最初被报告为“稳定”。[314][315]2月26日的最新消息称，他再次接受抗生素治疗，同时仍处于镇静状态并继续接受机械通气。[316][317]3月17日至22日，李光耀在接受生命支持时感染了疾病，身体持续衰弱，被描述为“病危”。[318][319][320]

On 18 March that year, a death hoax website reported false news of Lee’s death. The suspect is an unidentified minor who created a false webpage that resembled the PMO official website.^[321] Several international news organisations reported on Lee’s death based on this and later retracted their statements.^[322][323]
【参考译文】同年3月18日，一家死亡谣言网站发布了李光耀去世的假消息。嫌犯是一名身份不明的未成年人，他创建了一个与总理公署官方网站相似的虚假网页。[321]几家国际新闻机构根据这一消息报道了李光耀的去世，随后又撤回了他们的声明。[322][323]

On 23rd of that same month, Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong announced his father’s death at the age of 91.^[324] Lee had died at 03:18 Singapore Standard Time (UTC+08:00).^[324][325] A week of national mourning took place,^[326] during which time Lee was lying in state at Parliament House. As a mark of respect, State flags at all Government buildings were flown at half-mast. During this time, 1.7 million Singaporean residents as well as world leaders paid tribute to him at Parliament house and community tribute sites throughout the country.^{[327][328][329]} A state funeral for Lee was held on 29th of that same month and attended by world leaders.^[330] Later that day, Lee was cremated in a private ceremony at the Mandai Crematorium.^[331]
【参考译文】同月23日，新加坡总理李显龙宣布其父去世，享年91岁。[324]李光耀于新加坡标准时间（UTC+08:00）凌晨3点18分去世。[324][325]全国哀悼一周，[326]在此期间，李光耀的遗体在国会大厦供人瞻仰。为表示哀悼，所有政府建筑都降半旗致哀。在此期间，170万新加坡居民以及世界各国领导人纷纷前往国会大厦和全国各地的社区纪念场所向李光耀致敬。[327][328][329]同月29日为李光耀举行国葬，世界各国领导人出席。[330]当天晚些时候，李光耀在新加坡万礼火葬场举行私人葬礼火化。[331]

3月29日下午14时，在新加坡国立大学文化中心举行国葬。

许多政治分析员相信李光耀的逝世，让马来西亚前首相马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德成为东南亚最后的“老卫兵”^[37]。

10. 遗产 | Legacy

10.1 成就

【辽观注】此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

I’m not saying that everything I did was right, but everything I did was for an honourable purpose. I had to do some nasty things, locking fellows up without trial.
【参考译文】我不是说我的每一个举动都是正确的，但我所做的一切都有一个崇高的目的。我不得不做一些不好的事情，比如未经审判就拘捕一些人。

——Lee in 2010 during an interview with Seth Mydans of the New York Times and the former International Herald Tribune, reflecting on his legacy during his premiership^[332]
【参考译文】李光耀在2010年接受《纽约时报》和前《国际先驱论坛报》记者Seth Mydans采访时，反思其担任总理期间的遗产时说道。

As prime minister from 1959 to 1990, Lee presided over many of Singapore’s advancements. He oversaw Singapore’s transformation from an island nation with a high illiteracy rate and no natural resources into a developed country with a high-income economy within a single generation, commonly termed (from his autobiography) as ‘From the third world to the first world’.^{[333][334][335][336]} Singapore’s gross national product per capita (GNP) rose from $1,240 in 1959 to $18,437 in 1990. The unemployment rate in Singapore dropped from 13.5% in 1959 to 1.7% in 1990. External trade increased from $7.3 billion in 1959 to $205 billion in 1990. In other areas, the life expectancy at birth for Singaporeans rose from 65 years in 1960 to 74 years in 1990. The population of Singapore increased from 1.6 million in 1959 to 3 million in 1990. The number of public flats in Singapore rose from 22,975 in 1959 (then under the Singapore Improvement Trust) to 667,575 in 1990. The Singaporean literacy rate increased from 52% in 1957 to 90% in 1990. Telephone lines per 100 Singaporeans increased from 3 in 1960 to 38 in 1990. Visitor arrivals to Singapore rose from 100,000 in 1960 to 5.3 million in 1990.^[337]
【参考译文】作为1959年至1990年的总理，李光耀主持了新加坡的许多进步。他见证了新加坡从一个文盲率高、没有自然资源的岛国，在一代人的时间内发展成为高收入经济体的发展中国家，这一过程在他的自传中被称为“从第三世界到第一世界”。[333][334][335][336]新加坡的人均国民生产总值（GNP）从1959年的1240美元增长到1990年的18437美元。新加坡的失业率从1959年的13.5%下降到1990年的1.7%。对外贸易从1959年的73亿美元增加到1990年的2050亿美元。在其他领域，新加坡人的出生时预期寿命从1960年的65岁提高到1990年的74岁。新加坡的人口从1959年的160万增加到1990年的300万。新加坡的公共公寓数量从1959年的22,975套（当时归新加坡改善信托公司管理）增加到1990年的667,575套。新加坡的文盲率从1957年的52%下降到1990年的9%。每100名新加坡人拥有的电话线数量从1960年的3条增加到1990年的38条。到访新加坡的游客数量从1960年的10万人增加到1990年的530万人。[337]

Notably, these economic accomplishments were achieved in large part due to Lee’s stewardship of public administration through relevant and targeted public policy; Lee introduced measures to jumpstart manufacturing of finished goods for export (export-oriented industrialisation) and sought to create a conducive business environment in the trading nation to attract foreign direct investment (through the establishment of the Economic Development Board, EDB).^[333][338] Lee also forged a symbiotic and mutually dependent relationship between the People’s Action Party with the National Trades Union Congress, whereby the governing political party received certain input from the labour grassroots, whilst the national trade union centre is led by prominent PAP party politicians who usually have ministerial portfolios within the Government.^[339] The Government’s tight control over trade union activities and industrial relations, ensured near-total industrial peace, that was assessed to be a prerequisite for rapid economic development.^[340]
【参考译文】值得注意的是，这些经济成就很大程度上得益于李光耀通过制定相关和有针对性的公共政策对公共行政的引导；李光耀引入了措施来推动成品出口制造业的发展（出口导向型工业化），并努力在该贸易国创造一个有利的商业环境，以吸引外国直接投资（通过设立经济发展局EDB来实现）。[333][338]李光耀还建立了人民行动党与全国职工总会之间的共生和相互依赖关系，即执政党从劳动基层获得一定的支持，而全国总工会则由知名的人民行动党政治家领导，他们通常在政府内部担任部长职务。[339]政府严格控制工会活动和劳资关系，确保了几乎完全的工业和平，这被认为是经济快速发展的先决条件。[340]

Lee was a staunch promoter of economic globalisation and a vocal opponent of protectionism.^[341][342] Lee said that Singapore’s only natural resources are its people and their strong work ethic.^[343] In addition, Lee was focused on social policies such as improving and mandating higher public standards for education, sanitation and hygiene, whilst concurrently improving public health by expanding modern health care and greatly increasing the quantity and quality of high-rise affordable housing (through the establishment of the Housing and Development Board, HDB) for working- and middle-class families.^{[333][338][344][345]} Various world leaders had also praised Lee. Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger once wrote of Lee: “One of the asymmetries of history is the lack of correspondence between the abilities of some leaders and the power of their countries.” Former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher praised “his way of penetrating the fog of propaganda and expressing with unique clarity the issues of our time and the way to tackle them”.^[346] Former President of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev stated in his memoirs that after the independence of Kazakhstan from the Soviet Union in 1991, he met Lee and stated Lee’s “observations and advice became for us [Kazakhstan] guidelines in the development of long-term state strategies.”^[347]
【参考译文】李光耀是经济全球化的坚定推动者，也是保护主义的有力反对者。[341][342]李光耀说，新加坡唯一的自然资源就是人民和他们强大的职业道德。[343]此外，李光耀还关注社会政策，如提高和规定更高的公共教育、卫生和清洁标准，同时通过扩大现代医疗保健和大幅增加中产阶级家庭负担得起的高层住房的数量和质量（通过设立建屋发展局HDB）来改善公共卫生。[333][338][344][345]世界各界领导人也都曾赞扬过李光耀。美国前国务卿基辛格曾这样评价李光耀：“历史的不对称性之一，就是某些领导人的能力和他们国家的实力之间缺乏对应。”英国前首相撒切尔夫人称赞他“能够穿透宣传的迷雾，以独特的清晰方式阐述我们这个时代的问题和解决办法”。[346]哈萨克斯坦前总统纳扎尔巴耶夫在回忆录中提到，哈萨克斯坦于1991年从苏联独立后，他曾与李光耀会面，并称李光耀的“观察和建议成为我们（哈萨克斯坦）制定长期国家战略的指导方针”。[347]

Lee’s achievements in Singapore had a profound effect on the Communist leadership in China, who made a major effort, especially under Deng Xiaoping, to emulate his policies of economic growth, entrepreneurship and subtle suppression of dissent. Over 22,000 Chinese officials were sent to Singapore to study its methods.^[348] He has also had a major influence on thinking in Russia in recent years.^[349][348]
【参考译文】李光耀在新加坡的成就对中国共产党的领导层产生了深远的影响，特别是在邓小平的领导下，中国大力效仿他的经济增长、创业精神和微妙压制异议的政策。超过22,000名中国官员被派往新加坡学习其方法。[348]近年来，他也对俄罗斯的思想产生了重大影响。[349][348]

10.2 争议

参见：新加坡人权和新加坡政治

李光耀是个极具争议且铁腕的独裁者，批评者认为他让新加坡没有新闻自由，在政治上也不民主，文化发展亦因政治需要而备受压抑，反对派长期受打压及迫害^[39]。

10.2.1 钳制媒体

On the other hand, proponents of liberal democracy especially in the West criticised Lee’s rule as authoritarian and as intolerant of dissent, citing his numerous attempts to sue political opponents and newspapers who express unfavourable opinions of Lee. Reporters Without Borders, an international media advocacy group, requested Lee and other senior Singaporean officials to stop taking libel suits against journalists.^[350] Lee was a co-inventor of “Asian values“.^{[351][352][353][354]}
【参考译文】另一方面，特别是西方的自由民主倡导者批评李光耀的统治是独裁的，不容忍异议，并指出他多次起诉表达对他不利意见的政治对手和报纸。无国界记者是一个国际媒体倡导组织，曾要求李光耀和其他新加坡高级官员停止对记者提起诽谤诉讼。[350]李光耀是“亚洲价值观”的共同发明者。[351][352][353][354]

李光耀执政后，尤为强调政府对媒体的监管。在新加坡，新闻媒体只能享有“有节制的权力和有约束的自由”，禁止和严惩一切攻击执政党以及鼓吹西方民主自由和生活方式的言论报道，禁止不利于国家安全和有可能导致种族和宗教对立的言论报道。^[51] 1971年，李光耀在赫尔辛基的国际报业大会上公开宣称：“一些人天真的以为新闻自由是神圣和绝对的。其实，新闻自由等于报社老板的自由。他有权聘请新闻从业人员，也有权开除他们。”1988年4月，李光耀在美国报章编辑协会演讲时声称：“将传媒视为第四权的理论，并不适合新加坡。我们不能让本地传媒扮演像美国传媒那样的角色：监察、对抗和质疑当权者”。^[44]

李光耀深知控制媒体，封杀一切对其不利的报道，是维持自己和人民行动党不容挑战地位的必要条件，在其执政后，便利用一切手段打压所有媒体，最终组建了垄断新加坡所有媒体的报业控股集团，从此新加坡就只剩下了对李光耀的歌功颂德之声。甚至对于外国媒体，李光耀也绝不放过，任何敢于批评他或新加坡体制的外国媒体或个人，如果不公开道歉并赔偿大笔罚金，就会被马上赶出新国，甚至连母公司及其主要股东也会连带受到牵连。这种强硬的手腕让包括《纽约时报》《经济学人》《华尔街日报》《亚洲周刊》和彭博新闻社等在内的诸多顶级国际媒体，也都不得不向他屈服让步。中国著名的“空派”经济学家谢国忠，就曾因为一份对新加坡表示不以为然的内部电邮泄漏，便被新加坡施压赶出了就职的摩根士丹利公司。^[43]

《华尔街日报》为此曾发表社论感慨说，“所有在新加坡发行的西方报刊，都受到新加坡政府的各种刁难。新加坡有世界一流的经济，并想成为该地区的金融中心，还期待成为中国和印度两大国之间的服务之桥，但如此严格限制信息的自由流通，不利于实现这样的目标。”^[46]

Lee was criticised for curtailing press freedoms, often imposing limits on public protests which prevented further occurrences, restricting labour movements from industrial action or strike action, suppressing wage growth of skilled workers (in order to be competitive with developing countries) amid widening and high levels of income inequality along with wealth inequality (relative to other developed countries), had encouraged an elitist mindset as well as filing defamation lawsuits against prominent political opponents.^{[355][14][356][357]} However, supporters argued in retrospect that his actions were necessary for the country’s early development, and various international political analysts note that Lee’s governance was generally pragmatic and benevolent.^[7] During the three decades in which Lee held office, Singapore grew from a developing country to one of the most developed nations in Asia and the world.^[358] Singapore was described as becoming an illiberal democracy under his rule.^[17][18]
【参考译文】李光耀因限制新闻自由而受到批评，他常常限制公众抗议活动以防止此类事件的再次发生，限制工会采取工业行动或罢工行动，在收入不平等和财富不平等（相对于其他发达国家）加剧和高企的情况下，抑制技术工人的工资增长（以与发展中国家竞争），这助长了一种精英心态，并对著名政治对手提起诽谤诉讼。[355][14][356][357]然而，支持者事后辩称，他的行动对于国家早期的发展是必要的，而且国际政治分析家普遍认为，李光耀的治理总体上是务实和仁慈的。[7]在李光耀执政的三十年里，新加坡从一个发展中国家发展成为亚洲乃至世界上最发达的国家之一。[358]新加坡在李光耀的统治下被描述为成为一个非自由民主国家。[17][18]

1997年，邓亮洪代表工人党参加静山集选区竞选。于是人民行动党利用其掌控的媒体资源对邓亮洪进行了强有力的打击。当时新加坡报刊上的标题有：“李光耀资政：采用邓亮洪做法，我国将成波斯尼亚”、“吴总理：邓亮洪是危险人物，不应让他进入国会”、“邓亮洪在玩火”、“多位议员指邓亮洪言论极端”、“邓亮洪若当选议员将像（澳大利亚）汉森掀起风波”、“吴总理指邓玩危险游戏，利用宗教课题鼓动情绪”、“别让邓亮洪破坏社会安宁”、“李资政：静山是关键战役，关系总理与两位副总理前途”、“吴总理：静山是总理对邓之战”、“吴总理：如果邓亮洪中选，我在国内外声誉将受打击”、“陈庆炎副总理；阻止邓亮洪进入国会，不是反对华族文化”、“偏激煽情者，应严厉对付”、“李资政：静山区集选区共有25个计票中心。哪个区最支持行动党，组屋将最优先获翻新”。^[52]

10.2.2 内安法令

李光耀打击政敌毫不手软，对反对党和异议者也一向出手狠辣。李光耀采取了相当不民主的手段对付政治反对者，包括新加坡建国后早期的共产党人和后来的政治异议人士。为争取华人支持，李光耀最初与马来亚共产党合作，人民行动党的创始成员中就有当时的马共人士，包括深孚众望的左翼政治活动家林清祥。李光耀也曾担任左翼工会的法律顾问。但李光耀后来和林清祥等人反目成仇。李光耀利用《内部安全法令》（新加坡的《内部安全法令》授予政府在必要时“不经审判”即得以“无限期拘禁”危害国家安全的人士），采取不经正当程序和公开审判的方式，将数百共产党人抓捕入拘留营。林清祥被逮捕关押和放逐多年，他领导的社会主义阵线（曾是殖民时代新加坡群众基础最广泛团体之一，被认为是马共的外围组织）后来长期处于非法状态，其他左翼领袖（如谢太宝）甚至有被关押达30年之久的，此外也有大批人被他驱逐到国外，终身不许回新加坡。政界被长期扣留的还有林福寿（医生）、傅树楷（医生，陈嘉庚外孙）、曾福华等人。商界的有陈六使（南洋大学主要创办人）被扣留和被撤消公民权。报人有李星可（指李光耀是个二毛子和数典忘祖的人）。马来报人有赛义德·扎哈利、萨马德、依士迈等人。实际上，各界先后被扣留的人士数也数不清。^[40] 但李光耀却认为，这些做法是必须的，因为共产党人组织能力太强且按正常程序审判效率太低。直到1987年，新加坡当局还发动“光谱行动”，以“反共产主义颠覆”为由，未经审判便逮捕、关押了16名左翼知识分子，而这起名噪一时的“5·21事件”，16名受害人究竟是“共产主义者”，还是普通的自由知识分子，至今也没定论。^[41][42]

10.2.3 袋鼠法庭

在后来的政治生涯中，李光耀和新加坡政府不太使用内安法，改为以诽谤起诉政治对手，使其需要赔偿金钱，数额一般总是大到对方赔不起的程度，迫使对方宣告破产，从而被剥夺从事政治活动的资格。

1976年，新加坡律师惹耶勒南在竞选集会上称李光耀为李氏家族参与创办的李及李（Lee&Lee）律师楼谋取特殊利益，及“搞裙带关系，贪污受贿，不配当总理”，被李光耀起诉并被法庭判罚赔偿及支付律师费。

1987年，李光耀令内安局发动“光谱行动”，在未经审判的情况下，先后拘捕22人，包括天主教的神职人员、商人和海外毕业归来的学生。他们被指控企图推翻政府，在新加坡“建立马克思主义的政权”。被捕人士否认指控，同时投诉被拘留期间遭到虐待和迫供。^[12] 时任新加坡律师公会主席的萧添寿律师，因为是其中一些被捕者的辩护律师，当他去探访委托人时，也被以内安法一并逮捕。一度对李光耀政策略有薄评的新加坡律师公会，从此彻底对政府俯首贴耳。^[43]

1994年10月7日，《国际先驱论坛报》发表新加坡国立大学美籍教师克里斯托弗·林戈尔（Christopher Lingle）的文章对李光耀进行如下抨击：“本区域一些容不下异己的政权在压制歧见方面，展示了相当精巧的手段……其他比较含蓄：依靠唯命是从的法官替他们把反对党人物整到破产”。李光耀一股脑起诉了该报的主编、出版人和作者，法庭判《国际先驱论坛报》支付损害赔偿和诉讼费，而作者林戈尔则在传票发出后逃离新加坡。

1996年，拟参加1997年新加坡大选的邓亮洪在竞选活动中称李光耀在购买两间公寓时涉嫌贪污受贿。李光耀提出诉讼，邓亮洪潜逃出国，没有出庭答辩，法庭判李光耀胜诉。李光耀对此评论道：“没有执政党会扶植反对党执政，必须在反对党羽翼未丰的时候铲除掉他们。”^[44][45]

在新加坡的法院上，李光耀每告必胜，每胜又必会得判足以让对方直接破产的巨额罚金，从此不得翻身。以著名的1997年李光耀等诉邓亮洪损害名誉案为例，可以发现，李光耀和人民行动党毫无顾忌的动用整个国家机器来打击反对人士，而新加坡法院完全是他们的附庸，依其意旨行事。被告的反对人士会遭遇到连坐家属，查抄资产，无法聘请律师，甚至被彻底剥夺辩护权，这些早就应该消失于法制社会的恶劣手段。李光耀们连基本的门面功夫都懒得做，只要达到消灭反对派骨干，并杀一儆百的效果。^[43]

对此外界形容，全球200多个国家，没有哪个国家的领导人像新加坡这样，控告媒体和反对派“诽谤”的次数这么多，而且全部都“胜诉”，并获得数十万美元的“赔偿”。有西方媒体以“袋鼠法庭”的称呼贬损之。“袋鼠法庭”在西方法律术语中，指所谓的“徒具形式、不合法律规章及正常规范”的法庭。^[46]

10.2.4 要挟选民

1991年，工人党提名的刘程强赢得后港选区的国会议席，后在1997、2001和2006年三次大选中连任。后港的选民也因此“付出代价”，自1990年代以来，后港地区存在组屋翻新滞后、公共交通规划不周等问题，工人党的支持者们认为，这是新加坡政府有意对后港选民进行“惩罚”。

在2011年新加坡大选前，李光耀对阿裕尼集选区的选民讲：“如果你们投给反对党，你们这里就会变成贫民区。”结果引起该选区选民反感，最终工人党战胜人民行动党，赢得了阿裕尼集选区的国会席位。^[47]

10.2.5 西方批评

李光耀在新加坡的政治实践遭到西方自由主义者严厉批评，严厉型法治也有诸多非议，但他从不在乎这些批评。^[48]1976年，在英国工党和荷兰工党的动议下，社会党国际以人民行动党偏离了民主社会主义主张的多党制、言论自由原则为理由，将其开除。^[49][50]

10.2.6 优生政策

1980年代初期，李光耀担心受过高等教育的新加坡女性选择不婚，乃提出了为人诟病的“优生学”理论，李光耀认为人的聪明才智有80%与遗传有关，20%同教育和环境有关，文化程度高的妇女生的孩子智商高、素质好，而且家庭教育环境也比较优越，所以孩子的发展前途远大。相反，文化程度低的妇女生的孩子智商低、素质差，而且也没有良好的教育环境。于是，他决定给予奖励鼓励受过高等教育的女子结婚生子，而教育程度偏低的女性若选择少生，则可获得现金“奖励”，李光耀的这一理论受到了国人尤其是职业妇女的强烈反对，被视为对女性的侮辱。^[51] 李光耀坚持认为优秀女性应多生孩子、优秀男性应选择优秀女性。李光耀曾想将他的这一想法转变为国策，但新加坡国内一些人指责李光耀是个不折不扣的精英主义者。这项政治宣传终因国内过大的反对声音而作罢，李光耀本人却依然坚持其立场正确，并在其自传中引用剑桥大学教授的研究为佐证来支持自己的看法。^[48]

10.2.7 严刑峻法

参见：新加坡死刑制度和新加坡鞭刑

受二战时驻新加坡日军的治安政策影响，李光耀推崇严刑峻法、重刑重罚的法制理念。对于造成较大危害、判刑又不足以惩戒的罪犯适用鞭刑。新加坡鞭刑承袭于英国殖民统治时期。1966年前，新加坡鞭刑仅限于刑法中造成人民身心重大伤害的罪嫌，包括：重伤害、抢劫、强暴及猥亵等罪，然而，李光耀在1966年公布《破坏法》，以维护市容为目的来重罚处罚涂鸦及破坏公私财产的行为，将鞭刑范围进一步扩大，作为维持社会治安的工具。这种严厉的处罚为世界各国所罕见，也在国际社会引起广泛关注，1993年的美国少年鞭刑事件曾轰动国际社会一时。^[53] 许多国际人权组织强烈批评、反对新加坡的司法鞭刑。国际特赦组织形容新加坡鞭刑“残忍，不人道，有辱人格”。有些人认为新加坡鞭刑违反了联合国禁止酷刑公约，但是新加坡不在此公约的签署国当中。^[51]

10.2.8 裙带政治

参见：李光耀家族

李光耀的裙带政治也广受诟病，与李光耀相关的少数人占有着新加坡的大多数权力，李氏家族对新加坡的影响力非常大。李光耀的子女在新加坡皆身居要职，掌握了本国的政经大权，新加坡可谓是李氏的“家天下”。李光耀儿子李显龙在2004年8月接替吴作栋就任新加坡总理至今，被外界批为“隔代世袭”。^[3] 李显龙妻子何晶任政府控股的淡马锡控股执行董事兼总裁，李显龙的弟弟李显扬则经营新加坡电信。^[54][1]

10.2.9 双语政策争议

在1965年新加坡独立之后，中华总商会拜访李光耀并要求他将华语列为新加坡的国语。李光耀认为如果将华语列为国语将会导致交易不便而导致外邦不愿与新加坡进行交易合作，并且拒绝接受中华总商会的要求。李光耀指出自从执行南洋大学合并之后，他经常被马来西亚受华语教育人士的批评摧毁华文教育。^[55]

1965年独立后，李光耀用“新加坡被几亿敌对的马来人包围”恐吓华裔（但他自己却引进大量印度及马来人劳工来降低新加坡华人人口比例），用“人民行动党之外的反对派都是大汉族主义者”恐吓马来裔、印裔，用穆斯林恐吓基督徒、佛教徒、多神论、无神论者，用基督徒压制多神论者、无神论者、穆斯林，用英校生取代并领导华校生和持方言者，用持方言者牵制英校生……连始终忠实追随他，帮助他赢得和巩固了政权的人民行动党大批元老，如王永元、杜进才、王邦文、惹耶耶南、丹那巴南……也或因为并非出身英校生的小圈子，或是对他不够俯首贴耳，也先后都被边缘化，直至强迫退职。^[43]

自独立的那一天起，新加坡当局就不断试图拿南洋大学开刀。当华人激烈反弹，政府不得不妥协后，李光耀就在70年代初打出“双语文化”旗号，在全新加坡强制以英语作为中小学第一教学语言，从而使新加坡华裔的母语能力直线下降。最终让南洋大学成为无源之水，无本之木，不得不在1980年关闭，被并入用英语教学的新加坡国立大学。^[56]

在李光耀逝世后，马来亚南洋大学校友会发布文告称，李光耀政府关闭南洋大学，压制华文教育仍是不可原谅的，并指新加坡凭着其优良的地理位置，勤劳人民的劳动及工商界的贡献而取得的成绩，将这一切荣耀归功于李光耀是不恰当的。文告还声明：“历史上有如下不可磨灭的记载，首先是无理漠视民族权益而关闭由马新两地人民共建的南洋大学，其次是压制华文教育，导致华文中、小学式微，瘫痪华文教育体系和文化的根基，令一个占有新加坡人口百分之七十五的华裔人群失去母语教育权利。”文告也指，在基本人权方面，李光耀领导的政府以莫须有的罪名，褫夺了南大创办人陈六使先生的公民权。“因政见不同而囚禁我们的同学谢太宝长达二十余年；此外，我们的同学因其政策而被令停学、开除、逮捕，驱逐出境多达数百人，是世界高等学府受摧残之最。”另一方面，文告说，李光耀的语文政策将英文提到最高地位，压制母语教育，使得新加坡人民的精神文明处于无根状态，历史已有证明。^[57]

10.2.10 诽谤马来西亚柔佛治安风波

1997年1月，时任反对党领袖邓亮洪遭李光耀、时任总理吴作栋等11人控告诽谤，被要求赔偿名誉损失，邓亮洪连夜渡过新柔长堤去到马来西亚柔佛州。后李光耀起诉邓亮洪时，在宣誓书中指柔佛是一个以枪击、拦途抢钱劫车著称的州属。宣誓书于同年3月曝光后，随即在马来西亚引起公愤，马来西亚各大小领袖、各族人民、各类团体及政党都纷纷抗议，要李光耀收回污蔑性言论并且向马来西亚道歉。马来西亚交通部长林良实指责李光耀的说法毫无根据，外交部长阿卜杜拉·巴达维也召见新加坡驻马最高专员，表达马来西亚人的不满^[58]。

3月12日，李光耀通过其新闻秘书发出一份文告说：“李光耀已就他冒犯柔佛州的谈话，毫无保留地向马来西亚政府和人民公开道歉”。文告中也说李光耀久未到柔佛，因此不甚了解该州^[58]。

时任马来西亚总理马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德接受这项道歉，但他说，所谓“不甚了解柔佛”，只是个“借口”^[58]。

10.2.11 马来西亚与印尼华人边缘论

2006年9月15日，李光耀在公共政策学院主办的莱佛士论坛上，发表“马来西亚和印尼政府有系统边缘化华人”相关言论^[59][60]，引起与邻国马来西亚与印尼的外交风波^[61][62]。李光耀在论坛上提到新加坡同印尼和马来西亚的关系时，指印尼前总统优素福·哈比比曾形容新加坡像绿色海洋所包围的“小红点”，而小红点就是迫使新加坡，像印尼国内的华人一样，对他言听计从。接着形容马来西亚华人被有系统地边缘化，激起马印两国政府强烈反响。马来西亚和印尼两国的政治人物纷纷对此表示不满，并要求新加坡对李光耀的言论作出解释和道歉^[63][64][65]。马来西亚前首相马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德批评李光耀傲慢及不尊重邻国，并反击说马来西亚也可以质疑新加坡把当地马来人边缘化。印尼前总统哈比比指形容“小红点”是激励印尼青年向新加坡学习，但原意被歪曲了^[63]。

9月30日，李光耀为其发表的言论向马来西亚总理阿卜杜拉·巴达维道歉^[4][66]，但不收回言论^[67]。

10月3日，马来西亚总理阿卜杜拉在新闻发布会上表明，无法接受李光耀在回函中以新加坡需要强势政府与马印周旋，作为他发表边缘化言论的前提，他也重申，李光耀没有必要发表上述言论，因为有关言论可能导致马来西亚的种族关系出现紧张局面^[68]。10月14日，阿卜杜拉接受美国《有线电视新闻网》（CNN）的《亚洲名人聊天室》（Talk Asia）节目主持安琪莉劳伍（Anjali Rao）的访问时再次驳斥李光耀的这番言论，并指这是没有根据的指责：“是的，它（李光耀的指责）毫无根据。这是一个引起许多人民不高兴的议题。”“为什么？因为某些人认为他的言论干涉马来西亚内政。”“马来西亚华裔的生活很好。他们甚至比土著和马来人更成功。”^[69]

一些政治评论员认为，李光耀根本就没有就其言论道歉。马来西亚战略研究机构首席分析员黄永安表示，李光耀的信中虽向阿卜杜拉·巴达维表示抱歉，但是这并不意味着他收回之前引起轩然大波的边缘论。隆雪华堂执行长陈亚才也深有同感地表示，李光耀并没有承认他的言论有错，他只是因为其言论引起马来西亚总理情绪上的波动而表示歉意^[70]。

10.2.12 后悔没早点关南洋大学论

2010年1月2日，李光耀接受《国家地理杂志》专访时声称，后悔没早点关闭南洋大学，关闭理由为南大调低毕业水平，导致毕业生素质变差，大学文凭沦为无价之物，皆以中学文凭取而代之。他指出，新加坡当时为日本与欧美半导体厂商前往设厂的中枢，当时的大趋势让受华文教育者吃亏。他也自称自己是个“实用主义者”，并指某些人把语言、文化和生活当成人生的全部并不恰当，单靠华文不能在新加坡过活^[71]。

南洋大学校友会异口同声驳斥李光耀的言论不符实，并要求他收回言论并加以道歉。前马来亚南大校友会署理会长陈培和建议，发信征求所有校友会同意，要求李光耀收回言论和道歉，必要时采取法律诉讼行动，陈培和也指出，李光耀政府早前关闭南大存在政治议程，是基于“英语至上”和“政治利益”上将南大关闭，并断送华文教育的生存。马来亚南洋大学校友会与霹雳南洋大学校友会校友也针对李光耀“后悔论”在交流联欢会上发表看法，马来亚南大校友会主席刘庆祺说，校友皆对李光耀的言论感到愤怒^[72]。

此外，校友会也揭露李光耀的不实指控，历史证明南大存在短短25年在各大领域的成就有目共睹，李光耀的言论一举否决了百万华人创办南洋大学的努力。

10.2.13 批评伊斯兰教

2011年2月，李光耀的新书《严峻的现实》（Hard Truths）中，对拥有500万人口的城市国家新加坡的族群多元性作了一番论述。他指出：“我们的发展一直不错，直到伊斯兰浪潮的到来。”李光耀的观点是，与穆斯林相比，其他的族群社区融入社会都更加容易：“今天，我们可以融合所有的宗教和民族，但伊斯兰教除外。”他还补充说：“在社会上，穆斯林并不会引起什么问题，但他们与其他人不同，并且封闭在自己的圈子里。”^[73]

这样的表述在穆斯林中激起了愤怒，在网络论坛上一位评论者表示：“你和你的家人拜哪个神，就像你吃什么喝什么一样是个人的事，我们穆斯林并不在意别人的宗教生活。”并告诫李光耀“管好自己的事”^[73]。

新加坡穆斯林专业人士协会（Association of Muslim Professionals）对李光耀的言论深表遗憾，因为它“伤害了穆斯林社区，并具有分裂社会的潜在危险”。该协会在一份声明中表示，“像其他新加坡人一样，我们崇尚宗教信仰的多元性”，并指出：“一个好的穆斯林意味着同时要作一个好的新加坡公民，这是义不容辞的。”^[73]

11. 法律诉讼 | Legal suits

11.1 针对《远东经济评论》的诉讼 | Action against Far Eastern Economic Review

In April 1977, just months after a general election which saw the People’s Action Party winning all 69 seats, the Internal Security Department, under orders from Lee, detained Ho Kwon Ping, the Singapore correspondent of the Far Eastern Economic Review, as well as his predecessor Arun Senkuttavan, over their reporting. Ho was detained under the Internal Security Act which allows for indefinite trial, held in solitary confinement for two months, and charged with endangering national security. Following a televised confession in which Ho confessed to “pro-communist activities”,^[359] he was fined $3,000. Lee Kuan Yew later charged FEER editor, Derek Davies, of participating in “a diabolical international Communist plot” to poison relations between Singapore and neighbouring Malaysia.
【参考译文】1977年4月，就在人民行动党赢得所有69个席位的大选几个月后，根据李光耀的命令，国内安全部拘留了《远东经济评论》的新加坡记者何光平及其前任阿伦·森库塔万，原因是二人的报道。何光平根据《国内安全法》被拘留，该法允许无限期审判，他被单独监禁了两个月，并被控危害国家安全。在一场电视认罪中，何光平承认“从事亲共活动”后，[359]他被罚款3000美元。李光耀后来指控《远东经济评论》编辑德里克·戴维斯参与了一个“恶毒的国际共产主义阴谋”，以毒化新加坡与邻国马来西亚之间的关系。

In 1987 Lee restricted sale of the Review in Singapore after it published an article about the detention of Roman Catholic church workers, reducing circulation of the magazine from 9,000 to 500 copies,^[360] on the grounds that it was “interfering in the domestic politics of Singapore.”^[361]
【参考译文】1987 年，李光耀在《新加坡评论》发表了一篇关于罗马天主教会工作人员被拘留的文章后，限制该杂志在新加坡的销售，将该杂志的发行量从 9,000 份降至 500 份[360]，理由是该杂志“干涉新加坡国内政治”。[361]

On 24 September 2008 the High Court of Singapore, in a summary judgment by Justice Woo Bih Li, ruled that the Far Eastern Economic Review magazine (Hugo Restall, editor), defamed Lee and his son, the Prime Minister, Lee Hsien Loong. The court found the 2006 article “Singapore’s ‘Martyr’: Chee Soon Juan” suggested that Lee “ha[d] been running and continue[d] to run Singapore in the same corrupt manner as Durai operated [the National Kidney Foundation] and he ha[d] been using libel actions to suppress those who would question [him] to avoid exposure of his corruption”.^[362] The court ordered the Review, owned by Dow Jones & Company (in turn owned by Rupert Murdoch‘s News Corp), to pay damages to the complainants. The magazine appealed but lost.^[362][363]
【参考译文】2008 年 9 月 24 日，新加坡高等法院法官吴碧利作出简易判决，裁定《远东经济评论》杂志（主编 Hugo Restall）诽谤李光耀及其儿子李显龙总理。法院认为，2006 年的文章《新加坡的‘烈士’：徐顺全》暗示李光耀“一直以与杜莱经营 [全国肾脏基金会] 相同的腐败方式经营新加坡，并继续以诽谤行动压制那些质疑 [他] 的人，以避免其腐败行为被曝光”。[362] 法院下令道琼斯公司（又归鲁珀特·默多克的新闻集团所有）旗下的《远东经济评论》向投诉人支付赔偿金。该杂志提起上诉，但败诉。[362][363]

11.2 针对 J.B. Jeyaretnam 的诉讼 | Action against J.B. Jeyaretnam

Lee commenced proceedings for slander against opposition leader J. B. Jeyaretnam for comments he made at a Workers’ Party rally in the 1988 general election. Lee alleged that Jeyaretnam’s speech at the rally implied he had tried to cover up the corruption of the former Minister for National Development, Teh Cheang Wan, by aiding and abetting his suicide. The action was heard by Justice Lai Kew Chai, who ruled against Jeyaretnam and ordered him to pay damages of S$260,000 plus costs to Lee. Jeyaretnam lost an appeal against the judgment.
【参考译文】1988年大选期间，李光耀因反对党领袖J. B. 洁亚礼南在工人党集会上发表的言论对其提起诽谤诉讼。李光耀声称，洁亚礼南在集会上的演讲暗示他试图通过帮助和教唆前国家发展部部长张万才自杀来掩盖其腐败行为。该案由法官赖贵才审理，他裁定洁亚礼南败诉，并命令他向李光耀支付26万新加坡元加上诉讼费用的赔偿金。洁亚礼南对判决结果提出上诉，但败诉。

11.3 针对 Devan Nair 的诉讼 | Action against Devan Nair

In 1999, the former President of the Republic of Singapore Devan Nair who was living in Canada, remarked in an interview with the Toronto The Globe and Mail that Lee’s technique of suing his opponents into bankruptcy or oblivion was an abrogation of political rights. Devan Nair also described Lee as “an increasingly self-righteous know-all” surrounded by “department store dummies”. In response to these remarks, Lee sued Nair in a Canadian court and Nair countersued. Lee then brought a motion to have Nair’s counterclaim thrown out of court. Lee argued that Nair’s counterclaim disclosed no reasonable cause of action and constituted an inflammatory attack on the integrity of the Singapore government. However, the Ontario Superior Court of Justice refused to throw out Nair’s counterclaim, holding that Lee had abused the litigating process and therefore Nair had a reasonable cause of action.^[364]
【参考译文】1999年，居住在加拿大的新加坡共和国前总统德万·奈尔在接受《多伦多环球邮报》采访时评论称，李光耀将对手告到破产或使其销声匿迹的做法剥夺了他们的政治权利。德万·奈尔还称李光耀是一个“日益自以为是的万事通”，被一群“百货商场的假人”包围着。针对这些言论，李光耀在加拿大法院起诉了奈尔，奈尔则提起了反诉。随后，李光耀提出动议，要求法院驳回奈尔的反诉。李光耀辩称，奈尔的反诉没有合理的起诉理由，并构成了对新加坡政府诚信的煽动性攻击。然而，安大略省高等法院拒绝驳回奈尔的反诉，认为李光耀滥用了诉讼程序，因此奈尔有合理的起诉理由。[364]

Lee wrote in one of his memoirs that Nair was forced to resign as president due to his alleged alcoholism, a charge which Nair denied.^[365]
【参考译文】李在其中一本回忆录中写道，奈尔因涉嫌酗酒而被迫辞去总统职务，但奈尔否认了这一指控。[365]

11.4 《国际先驱论坛报》诽谤案 | International Herald Tribune defamation case

In 2010 Lee, together with his son Lee Hsien Loong, and Goh Chok Tong, threatened legal action against The New York Times Company, which owns the International Herald Tribune, regarding an op-ed piece titled “All in the Family” of 15 February 2010 by Philip Bowring, a freelance columnist and former editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review. The International Herald Tribune apologised in March that readers of the article may “infer that the younger Lee did not achieve his position through merit”. The New York Times Company and Bowring also agreed to pay S$60,000 to Lee Hsien Loong, S$50,000 to Lee and S$50,000 to Goh (totalling about US$114,000 at the time), in addition to legal costs. The case stemmed from a 1994 settlement between the three Singaporean leaders and the paper about an article, also by Bowring, that referred to “dynastic politics” in East Asian countries, including Singapore. In that settlement, Bowring agreed not to say or imply that the younger Lee had attained his position through nepotism by his father Lee Kuan Yew. In response, media-rights watchdog Reporters Without Borders wrote an open letter to urge Lee and other top officials of the Singapore government to stop taking “libel actions” against journalists.^{[366][367][368]}
【参考译文】2010年，李光耀与其子李显龙以及吴作栋威胁要对《纽约时报》公司采取法律行动，《纽约时报》公司旗下有《国际先驱论坛报》，原因是该报于2010年2月15日刊登了自由撰稿人、前《远东经济评论》编辑菲利普·鲍林的一篇题为《全家福》的评论文章。3月，《国际先驱论坛报》向读者道歉，称读者可能“推断出年轻的李显龙并非凭实力获得现在的职位”。此外，《纽约时报》公司和鲍林还同意向李显龙支付6万新加坡元，向李光耀支付5万新加坡元，向吴作栋支付5万新加坡元（当时总计约11.4万美元），外加法律费用。该案源于1994年这三位新加坡领导人与《国际先驱论坛报》之间达成的一项协议，该协议针对的也是鲍林撰写的一篇提及包括新加坡在内的东亚国家“世袭政治”的文章。在那项协议中，鲍林同意不发表或暗示年轻的李显龙是通过其父李光耀的裙带关系获得现在的职位。对此，媒体维权组织“无国界记者”致信呼吁李光耀和新加坡政府其他高层官员停止对记者采取“诽谤诉讼”。[366][367][368]

12. 政治立场 | Political positions

Main article: Political positions of Lee Kuan Yew【主条目：李光耀的政治立场】

12.1 对华人边缘化的批评 | Criticism of Chinese marginalisation

On 15 September 2006, at the Raffles Forum hosted by the School of Public Policy, Lee made a remark as to how the “Malaysian and Indonesian governments systematically marginalise its Chinese people”, by bringing up topics such as the May 1998 riots of Indonesia and Ketuanan Melayu, which subsequently caused a short diplomatic spat.^[369] He then described the systematic marginalisation of the Chinese in Malaysia, which aroused a strong response from the Malaysian government. Politicians in Malaysia and Indonesia expressed dissatisfaction with this and demanded the Singaporean government explain and apologise for Lee’s remarks.^[370][371]
【参考译文】2006年9月15日，在公共政策学院主办的莱佛士论坛上，李光耀发表言论称“马来西亚和印度尼西亚政府系统地排挤华人”，并提及了1998年5月的印尼暴乱和马来人至上主义等话题，随后引发了短暂的外交争执。[369]他还描述了马来西亚华人遭受的系统性排挤，这引起了马来西亚政府的强烈反应。马来西亚和印度尼西亚的政客们对此表示不满，并要求新加坡政府就李光耀的言论作出解释并道歉。[370][371]

Former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad criticised Lee Kuan Yew for his “arrogance and disrespect” for neighbouring countries and countered that Malaysia could also question Singapore’s marginalisation of its local Malays and other minorities such as the Eurasians and Indians. Former Indonesian President B. J. Habibie also described the “little red dot” term in reference to Singapore as an incentive for Indonesian youth to learn from Singapore’s achievements, and that the original intention was distorted. On 30 September, while Lee Kuan Yew apologised to the Malaysian Prime Minister at the time Abdullah Badawi for his remarks,^{[372][373][374]} he did not fully retract his remarks.^[375][376]
【参考译文】马来西亚前总理马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德批评李光耀对邻国“傲慢无礼”，并反驳称马来西亚也可以质疑新加坡对其当地马来人和其他少数民族（如欧亚人和印度人）的排挤。印度尼西亚前总统B.J.哈比比也描述了“小红点”一词，称这是对新加坡的指代，旨在激励印尼青年学习新加坡的成就，并称其初衷被歪曲了。9月30日，虽然李光耀就自己的言论向当时的马来西亚总理阿卜杜拉·巴达维道歉，[372][373][374]但他并没有完全收回自己的言论。[375][376]

12.2 优生学 | Eugenics

Alarmed that Singapore’s fertility rate was falling precipitously low, Lee launched the Graduate Mothers’ Scheme in 1983, giving tax deductions for children to women with university degrees, and priority in admission to primary schools to graduate mothers with three or more children.^[377]
【参考译文】李光耀担心新加坡的生育率正在急剧下降，于是在 1983 年推出了“毕业生母亲计划”，为拥有大学学位的女性提供子女减税优惠，并给予拥有三个或三个以上孩子的毕业生母亲优先入读小学的权利。[377]

In his speech at the 1983 National Day Rally, Lee said, “If you don’t include your women graduates in your breeding pool and leave them on the shelf, you would end up a more stupid society… So what happens? There will be less bright people to support dumb people in the next generation. That’s a problem.”^[378]
【参考译文】李光耀在 1983 年国庆群众大会上致辞时说：“如果你不把女毕业生纳入培养库，而任由她们闲置，你的社会最终会变得更加愚蠢……那会发生什么？下一代将没有那么多聪明人来供养愚蠢的人。这是个问题。”[378]

“If we continue to respond ourselves in this lopsided manner we will be unable to maintain our present standards,” he added. “Levels of competence will decline. Our economy will falter, the administration will suffer, and society will decline […], for every two college graduates in 25 years’ time there will be one graduate and for every two uneducated workers there will be three.”^[379]
【参考译文】“如果我们继续以这种不平衡的方式应对，我们将无法维持目前的标准，”他补充道。“能力水平将下降。我们的经济将衰退，政府将受到影响，社会将衰落……，25 年后，每两名大学毕业生中就会有一名毕业生，每两名未受过教育的工人中就会有三名。”[379]

In June 1984, Lee’s government rolled out grants for low-income and low-education women to undergo sterilisation. If a woman and her husband had no O-level passes and fewer than three children, the woman could receive a $10,000 grant for undergoing sterilisation. Sterilised lower-class parents were also given priority primary school admission for their existing first and second children. The uproar over the proposal led to a swing of 12.9 per cent against the People’s Action Party in the general election held later that year. In 1985, especially controversial portions of the policy that gave education and housing priorities to educated women were eventually abandoned or modified.
【参考译文】1984 年 6 月，李政府为低收入和低教育水平的女性提供绝育补助。如果一名妇女和她的丈夫没有 O 级考试通过，并且孩子少于三个，该妇女可以获得 10,000 美元的绝育补助。绝育的下层阶级父母还享有优先让其现有第一和第二个孩子入读小学的权利。该提议引发的轩然大波导致人民行动党在当年晚些时候举行的大选中以 12.9% 的选票落败。1985 年，该政策中特别有争议的部分，即给予受过教育的女性教育和住房优先权，最终被废除或修改。

A proponent of nature over nurture, Lee averred that “intelligence is 80% nature and 20% nurture” and attributed the successes of his children to genetics.^[380]
【参考译文】李光耀主张先天因素重于后天因素，他断言“智力 80% 取决于先天因素，20% 取决于后天因素”，并将他孩子的成功归功于遗传。[380]

12.3 伊斯兰教 | Islam

In 1999, in a discussion forum, Lee Kuan Yew was asked whether the emotional bonds of various ethnic groups in Singapore could be a hurdle to nation building, Lee replied: “Yes, I think so, over a long period of time, and selectively. We must not make an error. If, for instance, you put in a Malay officer who’s very religious and who has family ties in Malaysia in charge of a machine-gun unit, that’s a very tricky business. We’ve got to know his background. I’m saying these things because they are real, and if I don’t think that, and I think even if today the Prime Minister doesn’t think carefully about this, we could have a tragedy. So, these are problems which, as poly students, you’re colour-blind to, but when you face life in reality, it’s a different proposition”.^[381]
【参考译文】1999 年，在一次论坛上，有人问李光耀，新加坡各族群之间的情感纽带是否会成为国家建设的障碍。李光耀回答说：“我认为会，但要长期坚持，而且要有选择性。我们不能犯错。比如，如果你让一位虔诚的马来军官负责机枪部队，而他的家人在马来西亚，那将是一件非常棘手的事情。我们必须了解他的背景。我之所以这么说，是因为这些都是事实，如果我不这么认为，我认为即使今天的总理不仔细考虑这个问题，我们也可能面临悲剧。所以，作为理工学院的学生，你们对这些问题是色盲，但当你面对现实生活时，情况就不同了。”[381]

In 2011, leaked diplomatic cables attributed to Lee some controversial comments regarding Islam. The cables quoted Lee as having described Islam as a “venomous religion”. Lee called the remarks “false” and looked up to MFA’s filenote of meeting and found no record of the claim, stating: “I did talk about extremist terrorists like the Jemaah Islamiyah group, and the jihadist preachers who brainwashed them. They are implacable in wanting to put down all who do not agree with them. So their Islam is a perverted version, which the overwhelming majority of Muslims in Singapore do not subscribe to”. He added that “Singapore Muslim leaders were rational and that the ultimate solution to extremist terrorism was to give moderate Muslims the courage to stand up and speak out against radicals who hijacked Islam to recruit volunteers for their violent ends”.^[382][383]
【参考译文】2011 年，一份泄露的外交电报将李光耀关于伊斯兰教的一些有争议的言论归咎于他。电报引用李光耀的话称伊斯兰教是一种“恶毒的宗教”。李光耀称这些言论是“虚假的”，他查阅了外交部的会议记录，没有找到这一说法的记录。他表示：“我确实谈到了极端恐怖分子，比如伊斯兰祈祷团，以及给他们洗脑的圣战传教士。他们不遗余力地想要打倒所有不同意他们的人。所以他们的伊斯兰教是一种变态的伊斯兰教，绝大多数新加坡穆斯林都不认同这种伊斯兰教。”他补充说：“新加坡穆斯林领袖是理性的，解决极端恐怖主义的最终方法是让温和的穆斯林有勇气站起来，公开反对那些劫持伊斯兰教来招募志愿者以达到暴力目的的激进分子。”[382][383]

In Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going, Lee stated that Singaporean Muslims faced difficulties in integrating because of their religion and urged them to “be less strict on Islamic observances”. His remarks drew fire from Malay/Muslim leaders and MPs in Singapore, prompting a strong reaction from his son Lee Hsien Loong, the Prime Minister at that time, who said “My views on Muslims’ integration in Singapore differed from the Minister Mentor’s. Muslims are a valued and respected community, who have done a good deal to strengthen our harmony and social cohesion.” Lee Kuan Yew then told the media “I made this one comment on the Muslims integrating with other communities probably two or three years ago. Ministers and MPs, both Malay and non-Malay, have since told me that Singapore Malays have indeed made special efforts to integrate with the other communities, especially since 9/11, and that my call is out of date.” Subsequently, he added: “I stand corrected. I hope that this trend will continue in the future.”^[384][385]
【参考译文】在《李光耀：让新加坡继续前进的残酷事实》中，李光耀表示新加坡穆斯林由于宗教信仰而难以融入社会，并敦促他们“不要过于严格遵守伊斯兰教的规定”。他的言论引起了新加坡马来穆斯林领袖和议员的批评，时任总理的儿子李显龙对此作出了强烈反应，他说：“我对穆斯林融入新加坡的看法与内阁资政不同。穆斯林是一个受人重视和尊重的群体，他们为加强我们的和谐和社会凝聚力做出了很大贡献。”李光耀随后告诉媒体：“我大概在两三年前就穆斯林融入其他群体发表了这一评论。此后，马来和非马来部长和议员都告诉我，新加坡马来人确实做出了特别的努力来融​​入其他群体，尤其是在 9/11 事件之后，我的呼吁已经过时了。”随后他补充道：“我承认错误。我希望这种趋势在未来能够继续下去。”[384][385]

12.4 同性恋 | Homosexuality

Section 377A of the Penal Code, which was first introduced in 1938 under British colonial rule that criminalised sex between adult males, remained enforced under Lee’s premiership. In his later years, Lee appeared to become more supportive of LGBT issues and rights, expressing a belief that homosexuality was genetic and questioning the rationale behind its criminalisation.^[386][387] In 2007, he believed that homosexuality would eventually be accepted in Singapore, but advocated for a measured and “pragmatic approach” toward the matter “to maintain social cohesion.”^[388] Section 377A was eventually repealed in 2022.
【参考译文】《刑法典》第 377A 条于 1938 年在英国殖民统治下首次引入，将成年男性之间的性行为定为犯罪，在李光耀担任总理期间仍然有效。晚年，李光耀似乎更加支持 LGBT 问题和权利，表达了同性恋是遗传的信念，并质疑将其定罪背后的理由。[386][387] 2007 年，他相信新加坡最终会接受同性恋，但主张对此事采取慎重和“务实的态度”，以“保持社会凝聚力”。[388] 第 377A 条最终于 2022 年被废除。

12.5 体罚 | Corporal punishment

Main article: Caning in Singapore【主条目：新加坡的鞭刑】

One of Lee’s abiding beliefs was in the efficacy of corporal punishment in the form of caning.^[389] In his autobiography The Singapore Story, Lee described his time at Raffles Institution in the 1930s, mentioning that he was caned there for chronic lateness by the then headmaster, D. W. McLeod. He wrote: “I bent over a chair and was given three of the best with my trousers on. I did not think he lightened his strokes. I have never understood why Western educationists are so much against corporal punishment. It did my fellow students and me no harm”.^[390]
【参考译文】李光耀坚信体罚的有效性。[389] 在他的自传《新加坡故事》中，李光耀描述了他在 1930 年代就读莱佛士书院的时光，提到他曾因长期迟到而被当时的校长 D.W. McLeod 用藤条抽打。他写道：“我穿着裤子趴在椅子上，被狠狠地抽了三下。我觉得他没有减轻他的鞭打。我从来不明白为什么西方教育家如此反对体罚。它对我和我的同学没有任何伤害”。[390]

Lee’s government inherited judicial corporal punishment from British rule, but greatly expanded its scope. Under the British, it had been used as a penalty for offences involving personal violence, amounting to a handful of caning sentences per year. The PAP government under Lee extended its use to an ever-expanding range of crimes.^[391] By 1993, it was mandatory for 42 offences and optional for a further 42.^[392] Those routinely ordered by the courts to be caned now include drug addicts and illegal immigrants. From 602 canings in 1987, the figure rose to 3,244 in 1993^[393] and to 6,404 in 2007.^[394]
【参考译文】李光耀政府继承了英国统治时期的司法体罚，但大大扩展了其适用范围。在英国统治下，体罚被用来惩罚涉及人身暴力的犯罪行为，每年的刑罚多达几节。李光耀政府领导下的人民行动党将其适用范围扩大到越来越多的犯罪行为。[391] 到 1993 年，42 种犯罪必须执行体罚，另外 42 种犯罪则可选择执行。[392] 如今，法院经常下令执行体罚的人包括吸毒者和非法移民。从 1987 年的 602 节体罚，到 1993 年的 3,244 节[393]，再到 2007 年的 6,404 节。[394]

In 1994, judicial caning was publicised in the rest of the world when an American teenager, Michael P. Fay, was caned under the vandalism legislation.^[389]
【参考译文】1994年，一名美国少年迈克尔·P·费伊因破坏公物罪被鞭打，这一司法鞭刑事件被世界其他国家所知晓。[389]

School corporal punishment (for male students only) was likewise inherited from the British, and is still in use in schools, permitted under legislation from 1957.^[395] Lee also introduced caning in the Singapore Armed Forces, and Singapore is one of the few countries in the world where corporal punishment is an official penalty in military discipline.^[396]
【参考译文】学校体罚（仅针对男学生）同样是从英国人那里继承下来的，并且根据 1957 年的立法，至今仍在学校中使用。[395] 李光耀还在新加坡武装部队中引入了鞭刑，新加坡是世界上少数几个将体罚作为军事纪律中正式惩罚的国家之一。[396]

12.6 新闻界 | Press

In his interview with Charlie Rose in October 2000, when asked whether he believed in the idea of a free press, LKY responded “I believe in truth” and “I don’t believe that the press should be crusading and putting a spin on things” and asserted that newspapers should keep news reporting and editorials separate.^[397]
【参考译文】2000 年 10 月，李光耀在接受查理·罗斯采访时被问及是否相信新闻自由，他回答说：“我相信真理”和“我不认为新闻界应该进行改革和歪曲事实”，并坚称报纸应该将新闻报道和社论分开。[397]

12.7 移民 | Immigration

Lee believed that the benefits of immigration had to be carefully balanced against the associated “social load”. In a speech he made in 1971, Lee explained that it was necessary to have non-Singpaore workers take up jobs that Singaporeans were not willing to do, but observed that it was important that the number of such migrant workers be carefully controlled because “[t]hey dirty the place… they litter… if you take too many… they will bring us down to their values because it’s easier to be untidy, scruffy, dirty, anti-social than to be disciplined, well-behaved and a good citizen”.^[398]
【参考译文】李光耀认为，移民的好处必须与相关的“社会负担”进行仔细的权衡。他在 1971 年的一次演讲中解释说，有必要让非新加坡工人从事新加坡人不愿意做的工作，但他指出，必须严格控制这些移民工人的数量，因为“他们把地方弄脏了……他们乱扔垃圾……如果移民太多……他们会让我们的价值观下降，因为邋遢、邋遢、肮脏、反社会比守纪律、行为端正、做一个好公民更容易”。[398]

13. 个人生活 | Personal life

Further information: Lee family (Singapore)【更多信息：李氏家族（新加坡）】

Lee and his wife, Kwa Geok Choo, were married on 30 September 1950. Both spoke English as their first language. Lee first started learning Chinese in 1955, at the age of 32.^[399][400] During World War II, he learned the Japanese language to help him survive, and worked as a Japanese translator during the Japanese occupation of Singapore.^[401]
【参考译文】李光耀和他的妻子柯玉芝于1950年9月30日结婚。两人都以英语为第一语言。李光耀在1955年开始学习中文，那时他32岁。在二战期间，他学会了日语以帮助自己生存，并在日本占领新加坡期间担任日语翻译工作。

Lee and Kwa have two sons and a daughter.^[402] His elder son Lee Hsien Loong, is the third prime minister of Singapore. Several members of the Lee family hold prominent positions in the Singapore society. His younger son Lee Hsien Yang was president and CEO of SingTel, and Chairman of the Civil Aviation Authority of Singapore (CAAS).^[403] Lee’s daughter Lee Wei Ling, a neurologist and epileptologist, was director of the National Neuroscience Institute. Lee’s daughter-in-law Ho Ching, was executive director and CEO of Temasek Holdings.^[403][404] His wife Kwa Geok Choo, died on 2 October 2010, at the age of 89.
【参考译文】李光耀和柯玉芝育有两个儿子和一个女儿。他的长子李显龙是新加坡的第三任总理。李家的几位成员在新加坡社会中担任重要职务。他的次子李显扬曾担任新加坡电信（SingTel）的总裁兼首席执行官，并担任新加坡民航局（CAAS）主席。李光耀的女儿李玮玲是一名神经学家和癫痫专家，曾任国家神经科学研究所的主任。他的儿媳何晶是淡马锡控股的执行董事兼首席执行官。他的妻子柯玉芝于2010年10月2日去世，享年89岁。

Lee had variously described himself as an agnostic^[405] and a “nominal Buddhist”.^[406] He also mentioned that he was brought up in a family which practiced Chinese ancestor worship but stopped after his father passed away,^[405] and that he “neither [denies] nor [accepts] that there is a God”.^[407][408] In his later years, Lee practised meditation under the tutelage of Benedictine monk Laurence Freeman, director of the World Community for Christian Meditation.^[405][409]
【参考译文】李光耀曾分别描述自己是一个不可知论者和一个“名义上的佛教徒”。他还提到，自己在一个实行中国祖先崇拜的家庭中长大，但在父亲去世后便停止了这种做法，并表示他对“上帝是否存在既不否认也不接受”。在他晚些年的时候，李光耀在本笃会修士Laurence Freeman的指导下练习冥想，Laurence Freeman是世界基督教静坐团体的负责人。

Lee was diagnosed with dyslexia in adulthood.^[410]
【参考译文】李光耀在成年后被诊断出患有阅读障碍（dyslexia）。

Lee was a founding member of the Fondation Chirac‘s honour committee, which was launched by former French President Jacques Chirac to promote world peace.^[411] He was also a member of David Rockefeller‘s “International Council”, which included Henry Kissinger, Riley P. Bechtel, George Shultz and others. Additionally, he was one of the “Forbes’ Brain Trust”, along with Paul Johnson and Ernesto Zedillo.
【参考译文】他是前法国总统雅克·希拉克发起的希拉克基金会荣誉委员会的创始成员之一，该基金会旨在促进世界和平。他还是大卫·洛克菲勒的“国际顾问委员会”的成员，该委员会包括亨利·基辛格、Riley P. Bechtel、乔治·舒尔茨等人。此外，他还是《福布斯》杂志智囊团的一员，与保罗·约翰逊和埃内斯托·塞迪略等人一同在内。

14. 文化描绘 | Cultural depictions

In 1979, oil painter Chua Mia Tee depicted Lee’s return from London after the Merdeka Talks.^[412] In 1991, Chua presented an oil painting of Lee to the Minister himself, depicting him against a backdrop of Singapore’s transformation.^[413] In 1992, artist Lai Kui Fang presented historical oil paintings of Lee’s 1959 swearing-in ceremony as prime minister, which are now part of the National Museum of Singapore‘s collection.^[414]
【参考译文】1979年，油画家蔡名智描绘了李光耀在独立谈判后从伦敦返回的场景。1991年，蔡名智向李光耀本人赠送了一幅油画，画中以新加坡的变迁为背景展现了李光耀的形象。1992年，艺术家赖贵芳创作了描绘李光耀1959年就任总理宣誓仪式的历史油画，这些作品现已成为新加坡国家博物馆的馆藏部分。

In 2008, artist Ben Puah unveiled Hero, a solo exhibition of Lee portraits at Forth Gallery.^[415]
【参考译文】2008年，艺术家Ben Puah在Forth Gallery举办了名为《英雄》的李光耀肖像个人展览。

In 2009, artist Richard Lim Han presented Singapore Guidance Angel, a solo exhibition of Lee portraits at Forth Gallery.^[416] In the same year, freelance designer, Christopher “Treewizard” Pereira, began making caricature figurines of Lee which range from 12 cm to 30 cm. Comics artist and painter Sonny Liew depicted Lee as part of the series Eric Khoo is a Hotel Magnate at Mulan Gallery.^[417][418] In addition, Cultural Medallion recipient Tan Swie Hian also began a painting of Lee and his late wife titled A Couple. The painting, which took Tan five years to complete, was partially damaged by a fire in 2013. It depicts Lee and Kwa in their youth, is based on a 1946 black-and-white photograph of the couple in Cambridge University and incorporates in its background Tan’s poem in memory of Kwa. A Couple was purchased by art collector Wu Hsioh Kwang.^[419]
【参考译文】2009年，艺术家Richard Lim Han在Forth Gallery举办了名为《新加坡指导天使》的李光耀肖像个人展览。同年，自由设计师Christopher “Treewizard” Pereira开始制作李光耀的漫画小雕像，尺寸从12厘米到30厘米不等。漫画家兼画家Sonny Liew在Mulan Gallery举办的系列展览《Eric Khoo是一位酒店大亨》中描绘了李光耀。此外，文化奖章获得者Tan Swie Hian也开始创作一幅名为《夫妇》的画作，描绘了李光耀和他的已故妻子。这幅画耗费了Tan五年的时间才完成，但在2013年部分被火灾损坏。画作展示了年轻的李光耀和柯玉珠，基于他们在剑桥大学1946年的一张黑白照片，并在其背景中融入了Tan为纪念柯玉珠所写的诗。《夫妇》这幅画后来被艺术收藏家吴晓光购得。

In 2010, Valentine Willie Fine Art gallery asked 19 local artists to imagine a future without Lee. The resulting exhibition, Beyond LKY, included artist a triptych of Lee as a father figure looming over a tiny kneeling figure with the words, “Papa can you hear me”; an installation of a broken piano with a tape recorder playing a crackling version of Singapore’s National Anthem; white ceramic chains hanging on a wall; and an installation of hammers smashed together.^[420][421] That year, Korean artist Kim Dong Yoo depicted Lee in Lee Kuan Yew & Queen Elizabeth II (2010), an oil-on-canvas portrait of Lee using small images of Queen Elizabeth II‘s head, a reference to Singapore being a former British colony and current member of the Commonwealth.^[422] Indian-Swiss novelist Meira Chand‘s A Different Sky, published by UK’s Harvill Secker in 2010, features Lee in his early years as a lawyer and co-founder of the People’s Action Party.^[423]
【参考译文】2010年，Valentine Willie Fine Art画廊邀请了19位本地艺术家想象一个没有李光耀的未来。由此产生的展览《超越李光耀》包括了一位艺术家的三联画，画中李光耀作为一个父亲形象俯视着一个小跪着的人物，上面写着“爸爸你能听到我吗”；一个装置是一架破裂的钢琴，上面放着一台播放着嘶嘶声的新加坡国歌的录音机；挂在墙上的白色陶瓷链；以及一把锤子相互砸在一起的装置。同年，韩国艺术家金东佑在油画《李光耀与伊丽莎白二世女王》（2010）中描绘了李光耀，他使用了伊丽莎白二世女王头像的小图作为点来绘制李光耀的肖像，这是对新加坡曾是英国殖民地以及现在是英联邦成员的一个参照。印瑞混血小说家梅拉·钱德在2010年由英国Harvill Secker出版社出版的小说《不同的天空》中描写了早期作为律师和人民行动党共同创始人的李光耀。

In 2011, the iris image of Lee’s eye was captured and artistically rendered to resemble a sand art gallery piece. His eye image with his autograph was auctioned off to raise funds for the Singapore Eye Research Institute.^[424] In 2012, urban artist Sam Lo depicted Lee in their controversial Limpeh series, featuring his image in Shepard Fairey-inspired stickers, mirrors and collages.^[425]
【参考译文】2011年，李光耀的眼睛虹膜图像被捕捉并艺术地渲染成类似沙画的作品。他的眼睛图像加上亲笔签名被拍卖，以筹集资金支持新加坡眼科研究所。2012年，城市艺术家Sam Lo在他们具有争议性的《Limpeh》系列中描绘了李光耀，该系列采用了受Shepard Fairey启发的贴纸、镜子和拼贴画形式展示了他的形象。

In 2013, poet Cyril Wong published The Dictator’s Eyebrow, a poetry collection revolving around a Lee-like figure and his eyebrow’s thirst for recognition and power.^[426] In the same year, a group of Tamil poets from three countries, including Singapore Literature Prize winner Ramanathan Vairavan, produced Lee Kuan Yew 90, a collection of 90 new poems celebrating Lee’s legacy.^[427] Artist Sukeshi Sondhi also staged An Icon & A Legend, a solo exhibition at featuring 20 pop art style paintings of Lee.^[428] Speed painter Brad Blaze was commissioned to craft a portrait of Lee, Trailblazer: Singapore, to raise funds for Reach Community Services Society.^[429][430] In August, a bronze bust of Lee, cast by contemporary French artist-sculptor Nacera Kainou, was unveiled at the Singapore University of Technology and Design as an early birthday present to Lee from the Lyon-Singapore Association and the municipality of Lyon.^[431]
【参考译文】2013年，诗人Cyril Wong出版了《独裁者的眉毛》，这是一部围绕一个类似于李光耀的人物及其眉毛对认可和权力渴望的诗歌集。同年，来自三个国家的一群泰米尔诗人，包括新加坡文学奖得主Ramanathan Vairavan，创作了《李光耀90》，这是一部包含90首新诗的合集，以庆祝李光耀的遗产。艺术家Sukeshi Sondhi还举办了一场名为《偶像与传奇》的个人展览，展出了20幅波普艺术风格的李光耀画像。速写画家Brad Blaze受委托创作了一幅李光耀的肖像《开拓者：新加坡》，以筹集资金支持Reach社区服务协会。同年8月，由当代法国艺术家雕塑家Nacera Kainou铸造的李光耀青铜半身像，在新加坡科技设计大学揭幕，这是里昂-新加坡协会和里昂市政府送给李光耀的早期生日礼物。

In 2014, Bruneian painter Huifong Ng landed an exhibition after painting a portrait of Lee.^[432] In May of that year, illustrator Patrick Yee produced the children’s picture book A Boy Named Harry: The Childhood of Lee Kuan Yew, published by Epigram Books. The series was later translated into Mandarin.^[433] Chinese artist Ren Zhenyu also created expressionist portraits of Lee in electric hues as part of his Pop and Politics series. Vietnamese artist Mai Huy Dung has crafted a series of oil painting portraits of Lee.^[434][435] Ukrainian artist Oleg Lazarenko also depicted Lee as part of his painting Lion of Singapore.^[436] In October 2014, cartoonist Morgan Chua released LKY: Political Cartoons, an anthology of cartoons about Lee published by Epigram Books, featuring a 1971 Singapore Herald cartoon of Lee on a tank threatening to crush a baby representing press freedoms.^[437] The Madame Tussauds Singapore museum also unveiled a wax figure of Lee and his late wife, Madam Kwa Geok Choo seated and smiling together against a backdrop of red flowers formed in the shape of two hearts. The statues were created based on a photograph that was taken by Madam Kwa’s niece, Ms Kwa Kim Li, of the pair on Valentine’s Day in 2008 at Sentosa.^[438][439] Another wax figure of Lee Kuan Yew resides at Madame Tussauds Hong Kong.
【参考译文】2014年，文莱画家Huifong Ng因其绘制的李光耀肖像而举办了一场展览。同年5月，插画家Patrick Yee为儿童图画书《名叫Harry的男孩：李光耀的童年》创作插画，该书由Epigram Books出版。此系列后来被翻译成了中文。中国艺术家Ren Zhenyu也用电色彩表现主义手法创作了李光耀的肖像画，作为他“流行与政治”系列的一部分。越南艺术家Mai Huy Dung创作了一系列李光耀的油画肖像。乌克兰艺术家Oleg Lazarenko也在他的画作《新加坡的狮子》中描绘了李光耀。2014年10月，漫画家Morgan Chua发布了由Epigram Books出版的漫画集《LKY：政治漫画》，其中包括一张1971年《新加坡先驱报》上刊登的李光耀坐在坦克上威胁要碾压代表新闻自由的婴儿的漫画。新加坡杜莎夫人蜡像馆也揭幕了李光耀和他的已故妻子柯玉珠的蜡像，两人坐在背景中形如两颗心的红色花朵旁微笑着。这些雕像依据的是柯玉芝的侄女Kwa Kim Li在2008年情人节于圣淘沙拍摄的照片。另外，香港杜莎夫人蜡像馆也有一尊李光耀的蜡像。

In February 2015, weeks before Lee’s death, Helmi Yusof of The Business Times reported on how “In the last few years, artworks featuring Lee Kuan Yew have turned into a flourishing cottage industry”.^[440] Artworks included Jeffrey Koh’s seven LKY Pez candy-dispenser sculptures, paintings of Lee in the manner of Van Gogh, and Korean sculptor Park Seung Mo’s three-dimensional image of Lee made using stainless steel wires.^[441] In the same month, illustrator Patrick Yee launched the second title in his picture book series about Lee, called Harry Grows Up: The Early Years of Lee Kuan Yew, at an exhibition at the National Library, Singapore.^[442] On 24 March 2015, the National Parks Board named a Singapore Botanic Gardens orchid hybrid called the “Aranda Lee Kuan Yew” in honour of Lee’s efforts work in conservation and environmentalism.^[443] In March 2015, a portrait of Lee by Ong Yi Teck, comprising Lee’s name written about 18,000 times, went viral on social media. The portrait was made in tribute to Lee, who was then critically ill.^[444]
【参考译文】2015年2月，在李光耀去世前几周，《商业时报》的Helmi Yusof报道了“在过去几年中，以李光耀为主题的美术作品已经发展成为一个繁荣的手工业”。这些艺术品包括Jeffrey Koh创作的七座LKY Pez糖果分配器雕塑、模仿梵高风格的李光耀画作，以及韩国雕塑家Park Seung Mo用不锈钢丝制成的李光耀三维图像。同一个月，插画家Patrick Yee在新加坡国家图书馆举办的展览上推出了他关于李光耀图画书系列的第二本书，名为《Harry成长记：李光耀的早年》。2015年3月24日，国家公园局为纪念李光耀在自然保护和环保方面的工作，命名了一种新加坡植物园的兰花杂交品种为“Aranda Lee Kuan Yew”。2015年3月，由Ong Yi Teck创作的一幅由大约18,000次书写李光耀名字组成的肖像在社交媒体上疯传。这幅肖像是为了致敬当时病危的李光耀而创作的。

Days after Lee died in 2015, 16-year-old blogger Amos Yee released a video, Lee Kuan Yew is Finally Dead!, which criticised Lee and compared him to Jesus Christ. Yee also posted on his blog a stick-figure cartoon depicting Lee having sex with Margaret Thatcher, a personal and political ally of Lee’s.^[445] For his actions, Yee was charged with insulting religious feelings and obscenity, and sentenced to four weeks imprisonment despite his youth.^[446] In April 2015, an exhibition of 300 oil paintings on Lee and Singapore opened at Suntec City. Presented by art collector Vincent Chua, The Singapore Story featured 80 portraits of Lee and a life-size statue of Lee shaking hands with Deng Xiaoping when the Chinese statesman visited Singapore in 1978.^[447][448]
【参考译文】2015年李光耀去世几天后，16岁的博主Amos Yee发布了一段名为《李光耀终于死了！》的视频，其中批评了李光耀，并将其与耶稣基督相比较。Yee还在其博客上发布了一幅火柴人卡通画，描绘了李光耀与他的个人和政治盟友玛格丽特·撒切尔发生性关系的画面。由于他的行为，Yee被指控侮辱宗教感情和猥亵，并被判处四周监禁，尽管他年纪尚轻。2015年4月，在Suntec City举办了一场关于李光耀和新加坡的300幅油画展览。由艺术收藏家Vincent Chua策划的《新加坡故事》展出了80幅李光耀的肖像，以及一尊真人大小的雕像，描绘了1978年中国国家领导人邓小平访问新加坡时与李光耀握手的场景。

In July 2015, veteran actor Lim Kay Tong portrayed Lee in the historical film 1965, including a re-enactment of the iconic press conference when Lee announced that Singapore would be separated from Malaysia^[449] That same month, actor Adrian Pang played Lee in The LKY Musical opposite Sharon Au‘s Kwa Geok Choo.^[450] In October 2015, sculptor Lim Leong Seng exhibited a 75 cm bronze sculpture he made of Lee, entitled Weathering Storms As One.^[451] In November 2015, the Singaporean Honorary Consulate General in Barcelona unveiled a bust of Lee at Cap Roig Gardens in Costa Brava.^[452] In 2015, the Asian edition of Time featured the late Lee Kuan Yew on its cover.^[453] Lee is also central to the 2015 graphic novel The Art of Charlie Chan Hock Chye.
【参考译文】2015年7月，资深演员林继东在历史电影《1965》中扮演了李光耀的角色，包括重现了李光耀宣布新加坡将从马来西亚分离出去的标志性新闻发布会。同月，演员Adrian Pang在音乐剧《李光耀音乐剧》中饰演李光耀，而柯玉珠则由Sharon Au扮演。2015年10月，雕塑家林良胜展出了他为李光耀创作的一尊75厘米高的铜像，题为《风雨同舟》。2015年11月，新加坡驻巴塞罗那名誉总领事馆在布拉瓦海岸的Cap Roig花园揭幕了一尊李光耀的半身像。2015年，《时代》杂志亚洲版以已故的李光耀为封面人物。李光耀也是2015年出版的漫画小说《陈浩楷的艺术》的核心人物。

14. 获奖 | Awards

• Lee received a number of state decorations, including the Order of the Companions of Honour (1970), Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (1972), the Freedom of the City of London (1982), the Seri Paduka Mahkota Johor (1984), the Order of Great Leader (1988) and the Order of the Rising Sun (1967).^[454]
  【参考译文】李光耀获得了一系列国家勋章，包括：
  • 1970年的荣誉同伴勋章（Order of the Companions of Honour）
  • 1972年的圣米迦勒及圣乔治大十字勋章（Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George）
  • 1982年的伦敦市自由奖（Freedom of the City of London）
  • 1984年的柔佛苏丹勋章（Seri Paduka Mahkota Johor）
  • 1988年的伟大领袖勋章（Order of Great Leader）
  • 1967年的旭日勋章（Order of the Rising Sun）
• In 1999, Lee was named one of Time‘s Most Influential People of the 20th Century.^[60]
  【参考译文】1999年，李光耀被《时代》杂志评为20世纪最具影响力的人之一。
• In 2002, Lee became a fellow of Imperial College London in recognition of his promotion of international trade and industry and development of science and engineering study initiatives with the United Kingdom.^[455]
  【参考译文】2002年，为了表彰他在推动国际贸易和工业以及与英国发展科学和工程研究倡议方面所做的贡献，李光耀成为了伦敦帝国学院的研究员。
• In 2006, Lee was presented with the Woodrow Wilson Award for Public Service by the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
  【参考译文】2006年，李光耀被伍德罗·威尔逊国际学者中心授予伍德罗·威尔逊公共服务奖。
• In 2007, Lee was conferred an honorary Doctorate in Law at the Australian National University in Canberra, albeit amid protest from 150 students and staff.^[456]
  【参考译文】2007年，尽管有150名学生和教职员工抗议，李光耀在堪培拉的澳大利亚国立大学被授予荣誉法学博士学位。
• In September 2009, Lee was awarded the Armenian Order of Honor by President Serzh Sargsyan for his activities directed at the establishment and deepening of bilateral cooperation between Armenia and Singapore, during Lee’s official visit to Armenia.^[457]
  【参考译文】2009年9月，亚美尼亚总统谢尔日·萨尔基相因李光耀在正式访问亚美尼亚期间为加强亚美尼亚与新加坡双边合作所做的努力，授予他亚美尼亚荣誉勋章。
• In October 2009, the US–Asean Business Council conferred upon Lee its first Lifetime Achievement award, at its 25th anniversary gala dinner in Washington, D.C. His tribute, the former United States Secretary of State and 1973 Nobel Peace Prize winner Henry Kissinger.^[458] A day later he met United States President Barack Obama at the Oval Office in the White House.^[459][460]
  【参考译文】2009年10月，美国-东盟商务理事会首次颁发终身成就奖给李光耀，以表彰其贡献，并在美国华盛顿特区的25周年庆典晚宴上颁奖。亨利·基辛格博士，前美国国务卿和1973年诺贝尔和平奖得主为他颁奖。一天后，他在白宫椭圆形办公室会见了美国总统巴拉克·奥巴马。
• On 15 November 2009, Lee was awarded the Russian Order of Friendship by President Dmitry Medvedev on the sidelines of APEC Singapore 2009.^[461]
  【参考译文】2009年11月15日，李光耀在2009年亚太经合组织新加坡会议期间被俄罗斯总统德米特里·梅德韦杰夫授予俄罗斯友谊勋章。
• On 29 April 2010, Lee was named in the Time 100 list as one of the people who most affect our world.^[462]
  【参考译文】2010年4月29日，李光耀被列入《时代》杂志评选的影响世界的100人名单。
• On 14 January 2011, Lee received the inaugural Gryphon Award from his alma mater, Raffles Institution, given to illustrious Rafflesians who have made exceptional contributions to the nation.^[463]
  【参考译文】2011年1月14日，李光耀从母校莱佛士书院获得了首届狮鹫奖，该奖项授予那些对国家做出杰出贡献的莱佛士校友。
• On 19 October 2011, Lee received the Lincoln Medal in Washington DC—an honour reserved for people who have exemplified the legacy and character embodied by Abraham Lincoln.^[464]
  【参考译文】2011年10月19日，李光耀在华盛顿特区接受了林肯勋章，这是为那些体现了亚伯拉罕·林肯遗产和品格的人保留的荣誉。
• On 21 February 2012, Lee was conferred the Kazakhstan Order of Friendship by Ambassador Yerlan Baudarbek-Kozhatayev, at the Astana.^[465]
  【参考译文】2012年2月21日，李光耀在阿斯塔纳被哈萨克斯坦大使耶尔兰·鲍达巴耶夫授予哈萨克斯坦友谊勋章。
• On 10 September 2013, Lee was conferred Russia’s Order of Honour by Ambassador Leonid Moiseev for his contributions for forging friendship and co-operation with the Russian Federal and scientific and cultural relations development.^[466]
  【参考译文】2013年9月10日，李光耀被俄罗斯大使列昂尼德·莫伊谢耶夫授予俄罗斯荣誉勋章，以表彰他在建立与俄罗斯联邦的友谊和合作以及发展科学文化交流方面所做的贡献。
• On 22 May 2014, the title of Honorary Doctor of the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was presented by the Russian government to Lee.^[467]
  【参考译文】2014年5月22日，俄罗斯政府授予李光耀外交学院名誉博士称号。
• In 2016, Lee was conferred the Order of the Paulownia Flowers. The award was backdated to 23 March 2015, the date of his death.^[468]
  【参考译文】2016年，李光耀被授予宝星勋章。该奖项追溯至2015年3月23日他去世的日子。
• In December 2018, China conferred a posthumous China Reform Friendship Medal on Lee for his “critical role in promoting Singapore’s participation in China’s reform journey”. In former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping’s southern tour, he urged Chinese leaders to learn from the Singapore model. Alan Chan Heng Loon, Singapore–China Foundation chairman and Lee’s chief private secretary, said that Mr. Lee’s administration did a lot to build China-Singapore ties.^[469]
  【参考译文】2018年12月，中国追授李光耀中国改革友谊奖章，以表彰他在促进新加坡参与中国改革开放进程中的“关键作用”。前中国领导人邓小平在南方视察时，敦促中国领导人学习新加坡模式。新加坡-中国基金会主席、李光耀的首席私人秘书陈庆麟表示，李光耀的政府在建设中新关系方面做了大量工作。

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