欧尔班·维克托 / Viktor Orbán (Orbán Viktor) -（全文）中英文维基百科词条

中文词条原文链接（无法从中国内地访问）：请点击这里访问
英文词条原文链接（无法从中国内地访问）：请点击这里访问
本文基于英文词条的线索，并补充部分来自中文词条的内容（在二者冲突时，以更晚更新者为准）。

辽观搬运时进行了必要的合规化处理，以使其能够在中国内地上传。部分文字采用汉语拼音方式代替，音节后的数字表示汉语拼音规则中的声调。

关于辽观的维基百科搬运计划，及其他已搬运的词条，请点击这里了解更多。维基百科（Wikipedia）是美国维基媒体基金会的互联网百科项目，其内容可能受到立场、信息来源等因素影响，请客观看待。正文内容不代表译者观点。

辽观提供的翻译仅供参考。文中可能包含无法从中国内地访问的链接。

辽观所搬运的词条文本与维基百科一道同样遵循CC BY-SA 4.0协议（辽观搬运的中英文对照版本），在符合协议要求的情况下您可以免费使用其内容（包括商用）。图片和视频可能遵循不同的共享协议。请点击这里访问

0. 概述

【辽观注】此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

0.1 文字说明

【辽观注】此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

欧尔班·维克托·米哈伊（匈牙利语：Orbán Viktor Mihály，发音：[ˈorbaːn ˈviktor] （^ⓘ）；1963年5月31日—），匈牙利极右翼政治人物，现任匈牙利总理，青年民主主义者联盟－匈牙利公民联盟主席。

欧尔班的社会保守主义、民族保守主义、欧洲怀疑主义、极端种族主义以及他的建立“非自由国家”的主张引起了国际上的广泛关注。 曾公开批评金融大鳄索罗斯利用移民潮捞钱。自2010年欧尔班第二次执政以来，匈牙利经历了民主倒退，转向威权主义^{[1][2][3][4][5]}。

Orbán studied law at Eötvös Loránd University before entering politics in the wake of the Revolutions of 1989. Having participated in the Hungarian dissident student movement, he became nationally known after a 1989 speech in which he openly demanded that Soviet armed forces leave the People’s Republic of Hungary. After the end of communism in Hungary in 1989 followed by transition to a multiparty democracy the following year, Orbán was elected to the National Assembly and led Fidesz’s parliamentary caucus until 1993.
【参考译文】在1989年革命之后进入政界之前，欧尔班曾在埃特沃斯·罗兰大学学习法律。他曾参与匈牙利持不同政见的学生运动，在1989年的一次演讲中，他公开要求苏联武装部队撤离匈牙利人民共和国，因此他全国闻名。1989年匈牙利共产主义结束后，次年过渡到多党民主制，欧尔班当选国民议会议员，并领导青年民主主义者联盟议会党团直至1993年。

During Orbán’s first term as prime minister, from 1998 to 2002 with him as the head of a conservative coalition government, inflation and the fiscal deficit shrank and Hungary joined NATO. Orbán was the Leader of the Opposition from 2002 to 2010. In 2010, Orbán was again elected prime minister. Central issues during Orbán’s second premiership include controversial constitutional and legislative reforms, in particular repeated constitutional amendments, including the 2013 amendments to the Constitution of Hungary, as well as the European migrant crisis, the lex CEU, and the COVID-19 pandemic in Hungary. He was reelected in 2014, 2018, and 2022. On 29 November 2020, he became the country’s longest-serving prime minister.^[2]
【参考译文】在欧尔班第一次担任总理期间，从1998年到2002年，他领导了一个保守派联合政府，这一时期通货膨胀和财政赤字都有所减少，并且匈牙利加入了北约。从2002年到2010年，欧尔班担任反对党领袖。2010年，欧尔班再次当选为总理。在他第二次担任总理期间，核心议题包括有争议的宪法和立法改革，特别是反复的宪法修正案，包括2013年对匈牙利宪法的修正案，以及欧洲移民危机、针对中欧大学的法律（lex CEU）和匈牙利的COVID-19疫情。他在2014年、2018年和2022年连任。2020年11月29日，他成为该国任职时间最长的总理。

Starting with the Second Orbán Government in 2010, during his uninterrupted stay in power, Orbán has curtailed press freedom, weakened judicial independence, and undermined multiparty democracy, amounting to democratic backsliding during Orbán’s tenure.^[3][4][5] He frequently styles himself as a defender of Christian values in the face of the European Union, which he claims is anti-nationalist and anti-Christian. His portrayal of the EU as a political foe while accepting its money and funneling it to his allies and relatives has led to accusations that his government represents a kleptocracy.^[6] It has also been characterized as a hybrid regime, dominant-party system, and mafia state.^{[7][8][9][10][11]}
【参考译文】从2010年的第二届欧尔班政府开始，在他连续掌权期间，欧尔班限制了新闻自由，削弱了司法独立性，并破坏了多党民主制度，导致在其任期内出现了民主倒退。他经常自称为面对欧盟时基督教价值观的捍卫者，声称欧盟反民族主义和反基督教。他将欧盟描绘成政治上的敌人，同时接受欧盟的资金并将这些资金流向他的盟友和亲属，这导致有人指责他的政府代表了一种盗贼统治。这也被描述为一种混合政权、一党主导的体系和黑手党国家。

Orbán defends his policies as “illiberal Christian democracy“.^[12][13] As a result, Fidesz was suspended from the European People’s Party from March 2019;^[14] in March 2021, Fidesz left the EPP over a dispute over new rule-of-law language in the latter’s bylaws.^[15] In a July 2022 speech, Orbán criticized the miscegenation of European and non-European races, saying: “We [Hungarians] are not a mixed race and we do not want to become a mixed race.”^[16][17] Two days later in Vienna, he clarified that he was talking about cultures and not about genetics.^[18] His tenure has seen Hungary’s government shift towards what he has called “illiberal democracy“, while simultaneously promoting Euroscepticism and opposition to liberal democracy and establishment of closer ties with China and Russia.^[19][20][21]
【参考译文】欧尔班为其政策辩护，称其为“非自由的基督教民主”。因此，从2019年3月起，青民盟（Fidesz）被暂停了在欧洲人民党（EPP）的成员资格；2021年3月，由于对EPP章程中新加入的法治条款存在争议，青民盟退出了EPP。在2022年7月的一次演讲中，欧尔班批评了欧洲种族和非欧洲种族之间的通婚，他说：“我们匈牙利人不是一个混血种族，我们也不想成为一个混血种族。”两天后在维也纳，他澄清说他谈论的是文化而不是基因。在他的任期内，匈牙利政府转向了他所谓的“非自由民主”，同时推动疑欧主义，反对自由民主，并与中国和俄罗斯建立了更紧密的关系。

0.2 概况表格

【辽观注】此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

欧尔班·维克托 Orbán Viktor
匈牙利第4、8任总理 / Prime Minister of Hungary
现任 / Incumbent
就任日期 2010年5月29日
总统	绍约姆·拉斯洛 / László Sólyom 施米特·帕尔 / Pál Schmitt 克韦尔·拉斯洛 / László Kövér (acting) 阿戴尔·亚诺什 / János Áder 诺伐克·卡塔琳 / Katalin Novák 舒尤克·道马什 / Tamás Sulyok
前任	鲍伊瑙伊·戈尔东 / Gordon Bajnai
任期 1998年7月8日—2002年5月27日
总统	根茨·阿尔帕德 / Árpád Göncz 马德尔·费伦茨 / Ferenc Mádl
前任	霍恩·久洛 / Gyula Horn
继任	迈杰希·彼得 / Péter Medgyessy
青年民主主义者联盟－匈牙利公民联盟第1、4任主席 / President of Fidesz
现任 / Incumbent
就任日期 2003年5月17日
前任	阿戴尔·亚诺什 / János Áder
任期 1993年4月18日—2000年1月29日
继任	克韦尔·拉斯洛 / László Kövér
匈牙利国民议会议员 / Member of the National Assembly
现任 / Incumbent
就任日期 1990年5月2日
议长	Árpád Göncz（1990年5月2日—1990年8月3日） György Szabad（1990年8月3日—1994年6月27日） Zoltán Gál（1994年6月28日—1998年6月17日） 阿戴尔·亚诺什 （1998年6月18日—2002年5月15日） 西利·考陶琳 （2002年5月15日—2009年9月15日） 考托瑙·贝拉 （2009年9月15日—2010年5月14日） 施米特·帕尔 （2010年5月14日—2010年8月5日） 克韦尔·拉斯洛 （2010年8月5日至今）
个人资料
出生	1963年5月31日（61岁）  匈牙利人民共和国塞克什白堡
国籍	匈牙利
政党	青年民主主义者联盟－匈牙利公民联盟 / Fidesz (since 1988)
配偶	安妮科·莱瓦伊（1986年结婚）
儿女	5
母校	罗兰大学 牛津大学彭布罗克学院
宗教信仰	基督新教归正宗
Residence(s)【住所】	Carmelite Monastery of Buda【加尔默罗会布达修道院】 5. Cinege út, Budapest【5. Cinege út, 布达佩斯】

1. 早年生活和背景（1963年至1988年）| Early life and background (1963–1988)

Orbán was born on 31 May 1963 in Székesfehérvár into a rural family as the eldest son of Győző Orbán (born 1940) and speech therapist, Erzsébet Sípos (born 1944).^{[citation needed]} He has two younger brothers, both businessmen, Győző Jr. (born 1965) and Áron (born 1977). His paternal grandfather, Mihály Orbán, a former dockworker and a war veteran, farmed and worked as a veterinary assistant in Alcsútdoboz in Fejér County, where Orbán first grew up. The family moved in 1973 to the neighbouring Felcsút, where Orbán’s father was head of the machinery department at the local farm collective.^[22]
【参考译文】欧尔班于1963年5月31日出生在塞克什费赫瓦尔，作为一个农村家庭的长子，父亲是Győző Orbán（生于1940年），母亲是语言治疗师Erzsébet Sípos（生于1944年）。[需要引证] 他有两个弟弟，都是商人，分别是Győző Jr.（生于1965年）和Áron（生于1977年）。他的祖父Mihály Orbán曾是一名码头工人和战争老兵，在Fejér县的Alcsútdoboz从事农业并担任兽医助手，欧尔班最初在那里长大。1973年，全家搬到了相邻的Felcsút，欧尔班的父亲在那里担任当地农场合作社机械部门的负责人。[22]

Orbán attended school there and in Vértesacsa.^[23][24] His parents and his grandfather completed further education as adults and pursued their careers within the framework of economic liberalisation under the Kádár regime.^[25] In 1977, the family moved to Székesfehérvár, where Orbán had secured a place at the prestigious Blanka Teleki grammar school.^[26] In his first two years at the school, he served as local secretary of the Hungarian Young Communist League (KISZ), membership of which was mandatory in order to matriculate to a university,^[27][28] and of which his father was a patron.^[29]
【参考译文】欧尔班在当地上学，并且在Vértesacsa也上过学。[23][24] 他的父母和他的祖父在成人后继续接受教育，并在卡达尔政权下的经济自由化框架内发展他们的职业生涯。[25] 1977年，全家搬到了塞克什费赫瓦尔，欧尔班在那里获得了进入著名Blanka Teleki文法学校的机会。[26] 在学校的第一两年里，他曾担任匈牙利青年共产联盟（KISZ）的地方秘书，该组织的会员身份是升入大学的必要条件，[27][28] 并且他的父亲是该组织的赞助人。[29]

During his high school years, Orbán developed an interest in football, and befriended his future political associate Lajos Simicska.^[26] After graduating in 1981, he completed his military service alongside Simicska. He was jailed several times for indiscipline, which included a failure to appear for duty during the 1982 FIFA World Cup and striking a non-commissioned officer during a personal altercation.^[30] His time in the army also coincided with the declaration of martial law in Poland in December 1981, which his friend Simicska criticised;^[30] Orbán recalled expecting to be mobilised to invade Poland.^[31] He would later state that military service had shifted his political views radically from the previous position of a “naive and devoted supporter” of the Communist regime.^[28] However, a state security report from May 1982, when his father was working on an engineering contract in Libya, still described him as “loyal to our social system”.^[29][32]
【参考译文】在高中时期，欧尔班培养了对足球的兴趣，并与他未来的政治伙伴Lajos Simicska成为了朋友。1981年毕业后，他与Simicska一起完成了兵役。由于不服从纪律，他曾多次被关押，其中包括在1982年世界杯期间未能报到服役以及在一次私人争执中打了未委任军官。[30] 他在军队的时间与1981年12月波兰宣布戒严的时间相重叠，对此他的朋友Simicska提出了批评；[30] 欧尔班回忆说他当时预计会被动员去入侵波兰。[31] 他后来表示，兵役使他的政治观点发生了根本性的转变，从之前“天真的和忠实的支持者”变成了对共产政权持不同意见的人。[28] 然而，一份来自1982年5月的国家安全报告中，当他的父亲在利比亚从事一项工程合同时，仍把他描述为“忠于我们的社会制度”。[29][32]

In 1983, Orbán went to study law at the Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest. He joined an English-model residential college for law students from outside the capital, Jogász Társadalomtudományi Szakkollégium (Lawyers’ Special College of Social Sciences), established in 1983 by István Stumpf.^[33][34] Members of this college were permitted to explore social sciences beyond the socialist canon and the “new” field of “bourgeois” political science in particular.^[35][36][37] It was there that Orbán met Gábor Fodor and László Kövér.^[35][38]
【参考译文】1983年，欧尔班进入布达佩斯的 Loránd Eötvös 大学攻读法律专业。他加入了一个按照英国模式建立的、面向非首都地区法律学生的住宿学院——Jogász Társadalomtudományi Szakkollégium（社会科学研究法律学院），该学院由István Stumpf于1983年创立。[33][34] 这所学院的学生被允许探索超出社会主义正统之外的社会科学领域，尤其是“新的”、“资产阶级”的政治学领域。[35][36][37] 就是在这里，欧尔班遇到了Gábor Fodor和László Kövér。[35][38]

He became chairman of the executive committee of the college’s sixty students in 1984.^[38] He went on a series of trips to Poland with his classmates and lecturer Tamás Fellegi in 1984–1985 and again in 1987, during the third pastoral visit of John Paul II. Their Polish contacts all along were Małgorzata Tarasiewicz and Adam Jagusiak, members-to-be of the anti-Communist student movement Freedom and Peace [pl] from 1985.^[39] Orbán submitted his Master’s thesis on the Polish Solidarity movement, based on interviews with its leaders, in 1986.^[31][40]
【参考译文】1984年，他成为了该学院六十名学生执行委员会的主席。[38] 1984年至1985年间以及1987年约翰保罗二世第三次访问波兰期间，他与同学和讲师Tamás Fellegi一起前往波兰旅行。他们的波兰联系人Małgorzata Tarasiewicz和Adam Jagusiak后来成为了反共学生运动“自由与和平”[pl]的成员。[39] 欧尔班在1986年提交了他的硕士学位论文，该论文基于对团结工会领导人采访的基础上，探讨了波兰团结工会运动。[31][40]

In August 1986, shortly before Orbán’s wedding with Dr Anikó Lévai in Szolnok in September of that year, a police source reported him to belong to an organisation whose members were lecturing in the USA or West Germany as “the country’s expected future leaders” and receiving Western support, while also being privy to top-level government decisions through minister Horváth and enjoying full protection of the Budapest police (BRFK [hu]). The minister was expected to personally intervene to clear Orbán in particular of any sedition charges.^[29][32]
【参考译文】1986年8月，在欧尔班同年9月在Szolnok与Anikó Lévai博士结婚前不久，警方的消息来源报告说他属于一个组织，该组织的成员在美国或西德作为“国家预期的未来领导人”授课，并获得了西方的支持，同时通过部长Horváth接触到了最高级别的政府决策，并享有布达佩斯警察（BRFK[hu]）的全面保护。预计部长将亲自介入，特别为欧尔班免除任何煽动罪的指控。[29][32]

After obtaining the higher degree of Juris Doctor^[41] in 1987,^[42][43] Orbán lived in Szolnok for two years, commuting to his job in Budapest as a sociologist at the Management Training Institute of the Ministry of Agriculture and Food.^[44] In November 1987, Orbán welcomed a group of 150 delegates from 17 countries to a two-day seminar on the Perestroika, conscientious objection and the prospects for a pan-European democratic movement, held at the Lawyers’ Special College of Social Sciences with the backing of the European Network for East–West Dialogue.^[37]
【参考译文】1987年获得法学博士学位后，[41] 欧尔班在Szolnok生活了两年，通勤至布达佩斯，在农业与食品部管理培训研究所担任社会学家工作。[44] 1987年11月，欧尔班在一个为期两天的研讨会上欢迎了来自17个国家的150名代表，研讨会的主题包括新思维、良心拒服兵役及泛欧洲民主运动的前景，该研讨会得到了欧洲东西方对话网络的支持，在社会科学研究法律学院举行。[37]

In September 1989, Orbán took up a research fellowship at Pembroke College, Oxford, funded by the Soros Foundation which had employed him part-time since April 1988.^[45] He began work on the concept of civil society in European political thought under the guidance of Zbigniew Pełczyński.^[24][46] During this time, he unsuccessfully contested the Fidesz leadership elections in Budapest, which he lost to Fodor. In January 1990, he abandoned his project at Oxford and returned to Hungary with his family to run for a seat in Hungary’s first post-communist parliament.^[47]
【参考译文】1989年9月，欧尔班获得了由索罗斯基金会资助的牛津大学彭布罗克学院的研究奖学金，该基金会自1988年4月以来就雇用了他做兼职工作。[45] 他在Zbigniew Pełczyński的指导下开始了关于欧洲政治理论中公民社会概念的研究。[24][46] 在此期间，他参加了在布达佩斯举行的青民盟（Fidesz）领导层选举，但输给了Fodor而未能胜选。1990年1月，他放弃了在牛津的项目，与家人返回匈牙利，参加竞选匈牙利第一个后共产主义议会的席位。[47]

2. 政治崛起（1988-1998年）| Political ascent (1988–1998)

On 30 March 1988, at the Lawyers’ Special College of Social Sciences, Orbán – alongside Stumpf, Fodor, Kövér and 32 other students and activists – founded the Alliance of Young Democrats (Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége, FIDESZ), a liberal–nationalist youth movement conceived as an overt political challenge to the Hungarian Young Communist League, whose members were banned from participation.^[48][49] The college journal Századvég (End of the Century), established with Orbán’s help and funded by George Soros since 1985, now became the press organ of Fidesz.^{[50][40][51][38]}
【参考译文】1988 年 3 月 30 日，在律师社会科学学院，奥尔班与施图姆夫、福多尔、柯韦尔以及其他 32 名学生和活动家一起创立了青年民主主义者联盟 (Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége, FIDESZ)，这是一场自由民族主义青年运动，旨在对匈牙利青年共产主义联盟进行公开的政治挑战，当时该联盟的成员被禁止参与。[48][49] 在奥尔班的帮助下，学院期刊《世纪末》创办于 1985 年，由乔治·索罗斯资助，现已成为 Fidesz 的新闻机构。[50][40][51][38]

On 16 June 1989, Orbán gave a speech in Heroes’ Square, Budapest, on the occasion of the reburial of Imre Nagy and other national martyrs of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. In his speech, he demanded free elections and the withdrawal of Soviet troops. The speech brought him to national prominence and announced the existence of Fidesz to the wider public.^[52] In the summer of 1989, he took part in the opposition round table talks, representing Fidesz alongside László Kövér.^[53] Fidesz became a political party in October 1989.^[54]
【参考译文】1989 年 6 月 16 日，奥尔班在布达佩斯英雄广场为纳吉·伊姆雷和其他 1956 年匈牙利革命烈士举行重新安葬仪式时发表演讲。他在演讲中要求举行自由选举并撤出苏联军队。这次演讲使他声名鹊起，并向广大公众宣布了青民盟的存在。[52] 1989 年夏天，他与拉斯洛·科维尔一起代表青民盟参加了反对派圆桌会谈。[53] 青民盟于 1989 年 10 月成为一个政党。[54]

On returning home from Oxford, he secured the first spot on the Fidesz candidate list ahead of Fodor and was elected Member of Parliament from Pest County at the April 1990 election.^[55] He was appointed leader of the Fidesz’s parliamentary group, in this capacity until May 1993.^[56]
【参考译文】从牛津回国后，他在青民盟候选人名单上超越福多尔，位居第一，并在 1990 年 4 月的选举中当选为佩斯县议员。[55] 他被任命为青民盟议会党团领导人，并担任该职位直到 1993 年 5 月。[56]

On 18 April 1993, Orbán became the first president of Fidesz, replacing the national board that had served as a collective leadership since its founding. Under his leadership, Fidesz gradually transformed from a radical liberal student organization to a center-right people’s party.^[57]
【参考译文】1993年4月18日，欧尔班成为菲德斯党的首任主席，接替了自党成立以来一直作为集体领导的国家委员会。在他的领导下，菲德斯逐渐从一个激进的自由主义学生组织转变为一个中右翼的人民政党。

The conservative turn caused a severe split in the membership. Several members left the party, including Péter Molnár, Gábor Fodor and Zsuzsanna Szelényi. Fodor and others later joined the liberal Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ), initially a strong ally of Fidesz, but later a political opponent.^[58]
【参考译文】保守转向导致了成员内部的严重分裂。多名成员离开了该党，包括佩特·莫尔纳（Péter Molnár）、加博尔·弗勒德尔（Gábor Fodor）和兹苏赞娜·斯泽莱尼（Zsuzsanna Szelényi）。弗勒德尔和其他一些人后来加入了自由民主党（SZDSZ），该党最初是菲德斯的坚定盟友，但后来成为了政治对手。

During the 1994 parliamentary election, Fidesz barely reached the 5% threshold.^[59] Orbán became MP from his party’s Fejér County Regional List.^[56] He was chairman of the Committee on European Integration Affairs between 1994 and 1998.^[56] He was also a member of the Immunity, Incompatibility and Credentials Committee for a short time in 1995.^[56] Under his presidency, Fidesz adopted “Hungarian Civic Party” (Magyar Polgári Párt) to its shortened name in 1995. His party gradually became dominant in the right-wing of the political spectrum, while the former ruling conservative Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF) had lost much of its support.^[59] From April 1996, Orbán was chairman of the Hungarian National Committee of the New Atlantic Initiative (NAI).^[60]
【参考译文】在1994年的议会选举中，菲德斯勉强达到了5%的门槛。欧尔班通过其党派在费耶尔县的地区名单成为了国会议员。在1994年至1998年期间，他担任欧洲一体化事务委员会的主席。1995年，他还短暂地担任过豁免、不兼容与资格委员会的成员。在他的领导之下，菲德斯在1995年将其简称改为“匈牙利公民党”（Magyar Polgári Párt）。他的政党逐渐在政坛的右翼占据了主导地位，而前执政保守党匈牙利民主论坛（MDF）则失去了大部分的支持。从1996年4月开始，欧尔班担任新大西洋倡议（NAI）匈牙利国家委员会的主席。

In September 1992, Orbán was elected vice chairman of the Liberal International.^[61] In November 2000, however, Fidesz left the Liberal International and joined the European People’s Party (EPP). During the time, Orbán worked hard to unite the center-right liberal conservative parties in Hungary. At the EPP’s Congress in Estoril in October 2002, he was elected vice-president, an office he held until 2012.^[62]
【参考译文】1992年9月，欧尔班当选为自由国际的副主席。然而，在2000年11月，菲德斯脱离了自由国际，并加入了欧洲人民党（EPP）。在此期间，欧尔班努力团结匈牙利的中右翼自由保守党派。2002年10月，在埃斯特雷尔举行的欧洲人民党代表大会上，他当选为副主席，这一职务他一直担任到2012年。

3. 第一次担任总理：1998－2002 | First premiership (1998–2002)

Main article: First Orbán Government【主条目：第一个欧尔班政府】

In 1998, Orbán formed a coalition with the Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF) and the Independent Smallholders’ Party (FKGP). The coalition won the 1998 parliamentary elections with 42% of the national vote.^[62] Orbán became the second youngest prime minister of Hungary at the age of 35 (after András Hegedüs)^[63] and the first post-Cold War head of government in both eastern and central Europe who had not previously been a member of a communist party during the Soviet-era.^[64]
【参考译文】1998年，欧尔班与匈牙利民主论坛（MDF）及独立小农党（FKGP）组成了联盟。该联盟以42%的全国选票赢得了1998年的议会选举。欧尔班在35岁时成为了匈牙利第二年轻的总理（仅次于安德拉什·赫格杜斯），并且他是东欧和中欧第一个在冷战结束后上台的政府首脑，此前他并未在苏联时代加入过共产党。

The new government immediately launched a radical reform of state administration, reorganizing ministries and creating a superministry for the economy. In addition, the boards of the social security funds and centralized social security payments were dismissed. Following the German model, Orbán strengthened the prime minister’s office and named a new minister to oversee the work of his cabinet.^{[citation needed]}
【参考译文】新政府立即启动了对国家行政管理的激进改革，重组了各部委并创建了一个超级经济部。此外，社会保障基金的董事会和集中社会保障支付也被解散。参照德国模式，欧尔班加强了总理办公室的力量，并任命了一位新的部长来监督其内阁的工作。

In February, the government decided that plenary sessions of the Hungarian Parliament would be held only every third week.^[65] Opposition parties strongly opposed the change,^[66][67][68] arguing that it would reduce parliament’s legislative efficiency and ability to supervise the government.^[69] In March, the government also tried to replace the National Assembly rule that requires a two-thirds majority vote with one of a simple majority, but the Constitutional Court ruled this unconstitutional.^[70]
【参考译文】二月份，政府决定匈牙利议会的全体会议将仅每三周举行一次。反对党强烈反对这一变化，认为这会降低议会的立法效率和监督政府的能力。三月份，政府还试图改变国民议会的规定，将需要三分之二多数投票的规则改为简单多数即可，但宪法法院裁定这种做法违宪。

Two of Orbán’s state secretaries in the prime minister’s office had to resign in May, due to their implication in a bribery scandal involving the American military manufacturer Lockheed Martin Corporation. Before bids on a major jet-fighter contract, the two secretaries, along with 32 other deputies of Orbán’s party, had sent a letter to two US senators to lobby for the appointment of a Budapest-based Lockheed manager to be the US ambassador to Hungary.^[71] On 31 August, the head of the Tax Office also resigned after protracted criticism by the opposition on his earlier, allegedly suspicious, business dealings.^{[citation needed]} The government was also involved in a lengthy dispute with Budapest City Council the national government’s decision in late 1998 to cancel two major urban projects: the construction of a new national theatre^[72] and of the fourth subway line.^{[citation needed]}
【参考译文】在五月份，由于卷入了一起涉及美国军火商洛克希德·马丁公司的贿赂丑闻，欧尔班总理办公室的两名国务秘书不得不辞职。在这项重要的喷气式战斗机合同竞标之前，这两名秘书连同欧尔班党内的其他32名副手曾致信两位美国参议员，游说任命一位位于布达佩斯的洛克希德经理为美国驻匈牙利大使。8月31日，税务局局长也在反对派对其先前涉嫌可疑商业交易的长期批评后辞职。政府还与布达佩斯市议会展开了长时间的争执，原因是1998年末国家政府决定取消两个主要的城市项目：新建国家剧院和第四条地铁线的建设。

Relations between the Fidesz-led coalition government and the opposition worsened in the National Assembly, where the two seemed to have abandoned all attempts at consensus-seeking politics. The government pushed to swiftly replace the heads of key institutions (such as the Hungarian National Bank chairman, the Budapest City Chief Prosecutor and the Hungarian Radio) with partisan figures. Although the opposition resisted, for example by delaying their appointing of members of the supervising boards, the government ran the institutions without the stipulated number of directors. In a similar vein, Orbán failed to show up for question time in parliament for periods of up to 10 months. His statements, such as “The parliament works without opposition too…”, also contributed to the image of arrogant and aggressive governance.^[73]
【参考译文】在国民议会中，由菲德斯领导的联合政府与反对派之间的关系恶化，双方似乎放弃了所有寻求共识的政治努力。政府迅速推动用具有党派背景的人物取代关键机构的负责人（如匈牙利国家银行行长、布达佩斯市首席检察官和匈牙利广播公司负责人）。尽管反对派进行了抵抗，例如通过延迟任命监督委员会成员的方式，但政府还是在没有规定数量的董事情况下运行这些机构。同样地，欧尔班在长达10个月的时间里缺席了议会的质询时间。他的言论，比如“没有反对派议会也能运作……”，也助长了傲慢和侵略性治理的形象。

A later report in March by the Brussels-based International Federation of Journalists criticized the Hungarian government for improper political influence in the media, as the country’s public service broadcaster teetered close to bankruptcy.^[74] Numerous political scandals during 2001 led to a de facto, if not actual, breakup of the coalition that held power in Budapest. A bribery scandal in February triggered a wave of allegations and several prosecutions against the Independent Smallholders’ Party. The affair resulted in the ousting of József Torgyán from both the FKGP presidency and the top post in the Ministry of Agriculture. The FKGP disintegrated and more than a dozen of its MPs joined the government faction.^[75]
【参考译文】由布鲁塞尔总部的国际记者联合会于三月份发布的一份后期报告批评了匈牙利政府对媒体施加了不当的政治影响，因为该国的公共服务广播公司濒临破产。2001年发生的多次政治丑闻实际上导致了布达佩斯权力联盟的事实上的瓦解，即使不是正式的。二月份的一起受贿丑闻引发了一系列指控和针对独立小农党的几起诉讼。这一事件导致约瑟夫·托尔干（József Torgyán）失去了他在独立小农党（FKGP）主席以及农业部部长的职位。独立小农党随后解体，其十多名议员加入了政府阵营。

3.1 经济 | Economy

Orbán’s economic policy was aimed at cutting taxes and social insurance contributions, while reducing inflation and unemployment. Among the new government’s first measures was to abolish university tuition fees and reintroduce universal maternity benefits. The government announced its intention to continue the Socialist–Liberal stabilization program and pledged to narrow the budget deficit, which had grown to 4.5% of GDP.^[76] The previous Socialist government had almost completed the privatization of government-run industries and had launched a comprehensive pension reform. However, the Socialists had avoided two major socioeconomic issues: reform of health care and agriculture; these remained to be tackled by Orbán’s government.^{[citation needed]}
【参考译文】欧尔班的经济政策旨在削减税收和社会保险缴费，同时降低通货膨胀率和失业率。新政府采取的首批措施之一是废除大学学费并重新引入普遍的产假福利。政府宣布有意继续社会党-自由党的稳定计划，并承诺缩小已增长至国内生产总值4.5%的预算赤字。之前的社会主义政府几乎完成了政府经营产业的私有化进程，并启动了全面的养老金改革。然而，社会党回避了两个主要的社会经济问题：医疗保健和农业的改革；这些问题留给了欧尔班政府去解决。

Economic successes included a drop in inflation from 15% in 1998 to 7.8% in 2001. Annual GDP growth rates were fairly steady under Orbán’s tenure, ranging from 3.8% to 5.2%. The fiscal deficit fell from 3.9% in 1999 to 3.4% in 2001 and the ratio of the national debt decreased to 54% of GDP.^[76] Under the Orbán cabinet, there were realistic hopes that Hungary would be able to join the Eurozone by 2009. However, negotiations for entry into the European Union slowed in the fall of 1999, after the EU included six more countries (in addition to the original six) in the accession discussions. Orbán repeatedly criticized the EU for its delay.^{[citation needed]}
【参考译文】经济上的成功包括通货膨胀率从1998年的15%下降到2001年的7.8%。在欧尔班任期内，年度GDP增长率相对稳定，介于3.8%到5.2%之间。财政赤字从1999年的3.9%降至2001年的3.4%，国债占GDP的比例也下降到了54%。在欧尔班内阁的领导下，人们对于匈牙利能够在2009年加入欧元区抱有现实的希望。然而，在1999年秋季，随着欧盟在加入谈判中增加了六个新的国家（除了最初的六个国家之外），入盟谈判进程放缓。欧尔班多次批评欧盟拖延时间。

3.2 对外政策 | Foreign policy

In March 1999, after Russian objections were overruled, Hungary joined NATO along with the Czech Republic and Poland.^[77] The Hungarian membership to NATO demanded its involvement in Federal Republic of Yugoslavia‘s Kosovo crisis and modernization of its army. NATO membership also dealt a blow to the economy because of a trade embargo imposed on Yugoslavia.^[78]
【参考译文】1999年3月，在俄罗斯的反对被否决后，匈牙利与捷克共和国和波兰一起加入了北约。匈牙利加入北约要求其参与南斯拉夫联邦共和国的科索沃危机，并现代化其军队。由于对南斯拉夫实施的贸易禁运，北约成员国资格也对匈牙利经济造成了打击。

Hungary attracted international media attention in 1999 for passing the “status law” concerning estimated three-million ethnic Hungarian minorities in neighbouring Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Montenegro, Croatia, Slovenia and Ukraine. The law aimed to provide education, health benefits and employment rights to members of those minorities, and was said to heal the negative effects of the disastrous 1920 Trianon Treaty.^[79][80]
【参考译文】1999年，匈牙利因通过了关于邻国罗马尼亚、斯洛伐克、塞尔维亚和黑山、克罗地亚、斯洛文尼亚以及乌克兰境内估计三百万的匈牙利族裔少数群体的“地位法”而吸引了国际媒体的关注。该法律旨在为这些少数民族成员提供教育、健康福利和就业权利，并被认为可以修复1920年灾难性的特里亚农条约所带来的负面影响。

Governments in neighbouring states, particularly Romania, claimed to be insulted by the law, which they saw as interference in their domestic affairs. Proponents of the status law countered that several of the countries criticizing the law themselves had similar constructs to provide benefits for their own minorities. Romania acquiesced after amendments following a December 2001 agreement between Orbán and Romanian Prime Minister Adrian Năstase;^[81] Slovakia accepted the law after further concessions made by the new government after the 2002 elections.^[82]
【参考译文】邻国的政府，特别是罗马尼亚政府，声称该法律是对他们内政的干涉，并因此感到受到了冒犯。支持“地位法”的人士反驳说，几个批评该法律的国家本身也有类似的机制为其自身的少数民族提供福利。在欧尔班与罗马尼亚总理阿德里安·纳斯塔塞于2001年12月达成协议后，经过修正，罗马尼亚方面表示接受。而在2002年选举后，随着新政府做出进一步让步，斯洛伐克也接受了该法律。

4. 在野时期：2002－2010 | Leader of the Opposition (2002–2010)

The level of public support for political parties generally stagnated, even with general elections coming in 2002. Fidesz and the main opposition Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) ran neck and neck in the opinion polls for most of the year, both attracting about 26% of the electorate. According to a September 2001 poll by the Gallup organization, however, support for a joint Fidesz – Hungarian Democratic Forum party list would run up to 33% of the voters, with the Socialists drawing 28% and other opposition parties 3% each.^[83]
【参考译文】政党获得的公众支持水平总体停滞不前，即便2002年的大选即将来临。在一年的大部分时间里，菲德斯党和主要反对党匈牙利社会党（MSZP）在民意调查中的支持率旗鼓相当，各自吸引了大约26%的选民。然而，根据盖洛普公司在2001年9月进行的一项民调，如果菲德斯党和匈牙利民主论坛党联合起来的话，它们将获得33%选民的支持，而社会党则会得到28%的支持，其他反对党各自获得3%的支持。

Meanwhile, public support for the FKGP plunged from 14% in 1998 to 1% in 2001. As many as 40% of the voters remained undecided, however. Although the Socialists had picked their candidate for prime minister—former finance minister Péter Medgyessy—the opposition largely remained unable to increase its political support.^{[citation needed]} The dark horse of the election was the radical nationalist Hungarian Justice and Life Party (MIÉP), with its leader, István Csurka‘s radical rhetoric. MIÉP could not be ruled out as the key to a new term for Orbán and his party should they be forced into a coalition after the 2002 elections.^{[citation needed]}
【参考译文】与此同时，独立小农党的公众支持率从1998年的14%骤降到2001年的1%。然而，多达40%的选民仍未作出决定。尽管社会党已经选择了他们的总理候选人——前财政部长彼得·梅杰西（Péter Medgyessy），反对派基本上仍然无法增加他们的政治支持。本次选举的一匹黑马是激进民族主义的匈牙利公正生活党（MIÉP），该党的领导人伊斯特万·乔尔卡（István Csurka）以其激进的言论著称。如果欧尔班和他的党派在2002年大选后被迫组建联合政府，MIÉP有可能成为其连任的关键因素。

The elections of 2002 were the most heated Hungary had experienced in more than a decade, and an unprecedented cultural-political division formed in the country. In the event, Orbán’s group lost the April parliamentary elections to the opposition Hungarian Socialist Party, which set up a coalition with its longtime ally, the liberal Alliance of Free Democrats. Turnout was a record-high 70.5%. Beyond these parties, only deputies of the Hungarian Democratic Forum made it into the National Assembly. The populist Independent Smallholders’ Party and the right Hungarian Justice and Life Party lost all their seats. Thus, the number of political parties in the new assembly was reduced from six to four.^[84]
【参考译文】2002年的选举是匈牙利十多年来经历的最为激烈的选举，并且在该国形成了前所未有的文化政治分歧。最终，欧尔班的政党在四月的议会选举中输给了反对党匈牙利社会党，后者与其长期盟友自由民主党联盟组成了联合政府。此次选举的投票率创下了70.5%的记录高位。除了这些政党之外，只有匈牙利民主论坛的代表进入了国民议会。民粹主义的独立小农党和右翼的匈牙利公正生活党失去了所有的席位。因此，新议会中的政党数量从六个减少到了四个。

MIÉP challenged the government’s legitimacy, demanded a recount, complained of election fraud, and generally kept the country in election mode until the October municipal elections. The socialist-controlled Central Elections Committee ruled that a recount was unnecessary, a position supported by observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, whose only substantive criticism of the election conduct was that the state television carried a consistent bias in favour of Fidesz.^[85]
【参考译文】MIÉP质疑政府的合法性，要求重新计票，并投诉选举舞弊，总体上使国家一直处于选举状态直到十月的地方选举。由社会党控制的中央选举委员会裁定重新计票没有必要，这一立场得到了来自欧洲安全与合作组织观察员的支持，后者对选举过程唯一的实质性批评是国家电视台一贯偏袒菲德斯党。

Orbán received the Freedom Award of the American Enterprise Institute and the New Atlantic Initiative (2001), the Polak Award (2001), the Grand Cross of the National Order of Merit (2001), the “Förderpreis Soziale Marktwirtschaft” (Price for the Social Market Economy, 2002) and the Mérite Européen prize (2004). In April 2004, he received the Papal Grand Cross of the Order of St. Gregory the Great.^{[citation needed]}
【参考译文】欧尔班获得了美国企业研究所和新大西洋倡议颁发的自由奖（2001年）、波拉克奖（2001年）、国家功绩勋章的大十字勋章（2001年）、“Förderpreis Soziale Marktwirtschaft”奖（社会市场经济促进奖，2002年）以及欧洲荣誉奖（2004年）。2004年4月，他还获得了教皇圣额我略大帝级大十字勋章。

In the 2004 European Parliament election, the ruling Hungarian Socialist Party was heavily defeated by the opposition conservative Fidesz. Fidesz gained 47.4% of the vote and 12 of Hungary’s 24 seats.^[86][87]
【参考译文】在2004年的欧洲议会选举中，执政的匈牙利社会党遭到了反对党保守派菲德斯党的重创。菲德斯党赢得了47.4%的选票，并获得了匈牙利24个席位中的12个。

Orbán was the Fidesz candidate for the parliamentary election in 2006. Fidesz and its new-old candidate failed again to gain a majority in this election, which initially put Orbán’s future political career as the leader of Fidesz in question.^[88] However, after fighting with the Socialist-Liberal coalition, Orbán’s position resolidified, and he was elected president of Fidesz for yet another term in May 2007.^[89]
【参考译文】欧尔班是 2006 年议会选举的青民盟候选人。青民盟及其新老候选人在这次选举中再次未能获得多数票，这最初使欧尔班作为青民盟领导人的未来政治生涯受到质疑。[88] 然而，在与社会党-自由党联盟斗争之后，欧尔班的地位重新巩固，并于 2007 年 5 月再次当选青民盟主席。[89]

On 17 September 2006, an audio recording surfaced from a closed-door Hungarian Socialist Party meeting, which was held on 26 May 2006, in which Hungarian Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány gave an obscenity-laden speech. The leak ignited mass protests.^{[citation needed]} On 1 November, Orbán and his party announced their plans to stage several large-scale demonstrations across Hungary on the anniversary of the Soviet suppression of the 1956 Revolution. The events were intended to serve as a memorial to the victims of the Soviet invasion and a protest against police brutality during the 23 October unrest in Budapest. Planned events included a candlelight vigil march across Budapest. However, the demonstrations were small and petered out by the end of the year.^[90] A new round of demonstrations expected in the spring of 2007 did not materialize.^{[citation needed]}
【参考译文】2006年9月17日，一段录音曝光，内容是匈牙利社会党于2006年5月26日举行的一次闭门会议，其中匈牙利总理费伦茨·久尔恰尼发表了一篇充满脏话的演讲。这一泄露引发了大规模抗议活动。11月1日，欧尔班和他的党宣布计划在苏联镇压1956年革命的周年纪念日在匈牙利各地举行几次大规模示威活动。这些活动旨在纪念苏联入侵的受害者，并抗议10月23日在布达佩斯动乱期间的警察暴力行为。计划中的活动包括在布达佩斯举行烛光守夜游行。然而，这些示威活动规模较小，并在年底时逐渐消失。预期在2007年春季新一轮的示威活动也没有发生。

On 1 October 2006, Fidesz won the municipal elections, which counterbalanced the MSZP-led government’s power to some extent. Fidesz won 15 of 23 mayoralties in Hungary’s largest cities—although it narrowly lost Budapest to the Liberal Party—and majorities in 18 of 20 regional assemblies.^[91][92]
【参考译文】2006 年 10 月 1 日，青民盟赢得市政选举，在一定程度上制衡了社会民主党领导的政府的权力。青民盟赢得了匈牙利最大城市 23 个市长中的 15 个（尽管在布达佩斯以微弱优势输给了自由党），并在 20 个地区议会中的 18 个中获得多数席位。[91][92]

On 9 March 2008, a national referendum took place on revoking government reforms which introduced doctor fees per visit and medical fees paid per number of days spent in hospital as well as tuition fees in higher education. Fidesz initiated the referendum against the ruling MSZP.^[93][94] The procedure for the referendum started on 23 October 2006, when Orbán announced they would hand in seven questions to the National Electorate Office, three of which (on abolishing copayments, daily fees and college tuition fees) were officially approved on 17 December 2007 and called on 24 January 2008. The referendum passed, a significant victory for Fidesz.^[95]
【参考译文】2008年3月9日，一场全国性的公投就撤销政府引入的医疗改革和高等教育学费改革举行，这些改革包括每次看医生需支付费用、住院按天数付费以及高等教育的学费。这次公投是由反对执政的社会党的菲德斯党发起的。公投程序始于2006年10月23日，当时欧尔班宣布他们将向国家选举办公室提交七个问题，其中三个问题（关于废除共同支付、住院费和大学学费）于2007年12月17日正式获得批准，并于2008年1月24日宣布举行公投。公投最终通过，这对菲德斯党来说是一次重大的胜利。

In the 2009 European Parliament election, Fidesz won by a large margin, garnering 56.36% of votes and 14 of Hungary’s 22 seats.^[96]
【参考译文】在2009年的欧洲议会选举中，菲德斯党以明显优势获胜，赢得了56.36%的选票，并获得了匈牙利22个席位中的14个。

5. 第二次担任总理：2010年至今 | Second premiership (2010–present)

Main articles: Second Orbán Government, Third Orbán Government, Fourth Orbán Government, and Fifth Orbán Government
【主要条目：第二届欧尔班政府、第三届欧尔班政府、第四届欧尔班政府、第五届欧尔班政府】

5.1 第二届总理：2010－2014 | Second Orbán government (2010–2014)

2010年4月11日，匈牙利在经历严重经济危机后，举行国会选举第一轮投票。欧尔班领导的在野党右翼青年民主主义者联盟及其盟友基民党获得压倒性胜利，在匈牙利国会386个议席中获得53.37%的议席即206席，执政八年的社会党大败，仅取得28席，极右派政党“更好的匈牙利运动”获得26席。青年民主主义者联盟在2010年匈牙利国会大选第一阶段获得52.73%的的选票。其后第二轮投票后，青民盟在单一选区取得176席中的173席，分区选区146席中的87席，以及全国不分区选区的3席，合共取得263席，取得三分之二多数的国会席位，达到修改宪法的门槛。5月14日，匈牙利总统绍约姆·拉斯洛提名欧尔班出任新政府总理。5月29日，匈牙利国会以261票赞成、107票反对的投票结果选举欧尔班为新政府总理，386名议员中有18名议员没有参加投票，随后欧尔班政府宣誓就职，欧尔班相隔八年第二次出任总理。

In the 2010 parliamentary elections, Orbán’s party won 52.7% of the popular vote but received a 68% majority of parliamentary seats due to the design of the post-communist electoral system.^{[97]: 139 [98]} A two-third parliamentary majority is enough to change the constitution, and in 2011 Orbán’s government drafted a new constitution behind closed doors, debated it for only nine days in the parliament and passed it on a party line.^{[99]: 52 [100][101][102][103]} Orbán rejected suggestions within his party to pursue a more cautious agenda.^[4] He would go on to amend the constitution twelve times in his first year in office.^[99]: 52 Among other changes, it includes support for traditional values, nationalism, references to Christianity, and a controversial electoral reform, which decreased the number of seats in the Parliament of Hungary from 386 to 199.^[104][105] The new constitution entered into force on 1 January 2012, replacing the Hungarian Constitution of 1949.
【参考译文】在2010年的议会选举中，欧尔班的政党赢得了52.7%的普选票，但由于后共产主义选举制度的设计，该党在议会席位中获得了68%的多数。三分之二的议会多数足以修改宪法，并且在2011年，欧尔班的政府在闭门讨论后起草了一部新宪法，在议会中仅辩论了九天便沿着党派路线通过了它。欧尔班拒绝了党内关于追求更为谨慎议程的建议。在他上任的第一年里，他总共修改了宪法十二次。新宪法包含了对传统价值、民族主义、基督教的提及和支持，并且还包括了一个有争议的选举改革，这项改革将匈牙利议会的席位数从386个减少到了199个。这部新宪法于2012年1月1日生效，取代了1949年的匈牙利宪法。

2011年通过的新宪法，同时削弱匈牙利宪法法院的权力，通过降低退休年龄而使不少大法官被迫退休；在竞选运动，教育，无家可归者以及家庭权利等方面严格法律的规定，具体内容包括当局有权利禁止使用于“居住目的”公共空间；议会有权就是否教会应该被正式承认充当仲裁者；一个家庭的定义为一对夫妻和儿童（反同性婚姻）；国家资助的学生可以在指定的时间内在匈牙利工作；以及政党的政治广播在正式竞选期间内被限制在国家资助的媒体中。^[7][8]

In 2012 Orbán’s government implemented a flat tax on personal income set at 16%.^[106] Orbán has called his government “pragmatic”, citing restrictions on early retirement in the police force and military, making welfare more transparent, and a central banking law that “gives Hungary more independence from the European Central Bank”.^[107]
【参考译文】2012年，欧尔班的政府实施了16%的个人所得税单一税率。欧尔班称他的政府是“务实的”，列举了对警察和军队提前退休的限制、使福利更加透明化以及一项使“匈牙利从欧洲中央银行获得更大独立性”的中央银行业法律。

On 14 January 2014 Orban went to Moscow in order to sign with Putin an agreement on the Paks II nuclear power plant (NPP). The Russian state-owned enterprise Rosatom would develop the NPP, and Hungary was to finance the plant by borrowing from Russia. At the same time Orban reassured everyone that the South Stream pipeline would be completed soon.^[108][109] The BBC complained that “there was no formal bidding process for the plant’s expansion, and the terms of the loan agreement have not yet been made public,” even after the Hungarian parliament approved the deal on 6 February.^[110] It later came to light that the loan amounted to €8bn and was financed over a 30 year term.^[108] Hungarian MFA Peter Szijjarto told reporters that the deal was “the business (transaction) of the century.” Westinghouse and Areva, two Western prime contractors, had been lured since 2012 by the Hungarian civil service but eventually had been frozen out of competition by the Orban government, who chose to sole-source the deal.^[111]
【参考译文】2014年1月14日，欧尔班前往莫斯科与普京签署关于帕克斯二期核电站（Paks II NPP）的协议。根据协议，俄罗斯国有企业Rosatom将负责开发该核电站，而匈牙利将通过向俄罗斯借款来为该电站的建设融资。同时，欧尔班保证南溪天然气管道项目将会很快完工。英国广播公司（BBC）抱怨说，“对于该电站扩建并没有正式的招标过程，而且贷款协议的条款在2月6日匈牙利国会批准该交易后仍未公开。”后来透露，这笔贷款总额为80亿欧元，并在30年内偿还。匈牙利外交部长彼得·西亚尔托告诉媒体，这笔交易是“本世纪的交易”。两家西方主要承包商——西屋电气和阿海珐，自2012年起就被匈牙利公务员系统吸引，但最终被欧尔班政府排除在竞争之外，政府选择单独与俄罗斯签订协议。

5.2 第三届总理：2014－2018 | Third Orban government (2014–2018)

After the April 2014 parliamentary election, Fidesz won a majority, garnering 133 of the 199 seats in the National Assembly.^[112] While he won a large majority, he garnered 44.5% of the national vote, down from 52.7% in 2010.^[113]
【参考译文】2014 年 4 月议会选举结束后，青民盟赢得了多数席位，在国民议会 199 个席位中占据了 133 个席位。[112] 虽然他赢得了大部分席位，但全国投票率仅为 44.5%，低于 2010 年的 52.7%。[113]

Orbán held a now famous speech in July 2014 in Băile Tușnad, a remote village in Romania, at the Bálványos Free Summer University and Student Camp.^[114] In his speech he articulated his vision of forging an illiberal democracy in Hungary and described the Western 2007–2008 financial crisis as a paradigm shift of the international order, comparable with the two world wars and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Orbán described his current mission: “while breaking with the [liberal] dogmas and ideologies that have been adopted by the West and keeping ourselves independent from them, we are trying to find the form of community organisation, the new Hungarian state, which is capable of making our community competitive in the great global race for decades to come.”^[114]
【参考译文】2014 年 7 月，欧尔班在罗马尼亚偏远村庄图什纳德巴兰尼奥自由暑期大学和学生营地发表了一场现已闻名遐迩的演讲。[114]在演讲中，他阐述了自己在匈牙利打造非自由民主制度的愿景，并将 2007-2008 年西方金融危机描述为国际秩序的模式转变，可与两次世界大战和苏联解体相提并论。欧尔班描述了自己当前的使命：“我们在摒弃西方采纳的[自由]教条和意识形态，并保持自身独立的同时，正试图找到社区组织的模式，即新的匈牙利国家，使我们的社区在未来几十年的全球大竞争中保持竞争力。”[114]

In November 2014 Orbán garnered controversy for proposing an “internet tax”, and for his perceived corruption.^[115] His second premiership saw numerous protests against his government, including one in Budapest in November 2014 against the proposed “internet tax”.^[116]
【参考译文】2014 年 11 月，欧尔班因提议征收“互联网税”和涉嫌腐败而引发争议。[115] 在他第二次出任总理期间，他的政府面临了多次抗议，包括 2014 年 11 月在布达佩斯针对拟议“互联网税”的抗议。[116]

2015年，欧洲移民危机急剧恶化，欧尔班政府认为对以穆斯林为主的非法移民及难民“来者不拒”的做法将会导致严重危害欧洲基督教文化及国家安全。^[9]欧尔班政府在南部接壤塞尔维亚和克罗地亚的边境加建围网阻止非法入境，并修改法例打击非法入境和授权军队可向试图非法入境的人使用非致命武器。匈牙利处理非法移民的强硬做法受到欧洲左派和联合国的批评，^[10]不过欧洲民间、特别不少欧盟国家的右派民粹主义政党（例如德国另类选择及奥地利自由党），强烈支持匈牙利政府的强硬做法^[11]。

During the 2015 European migrant crisis, Orbán ordered the erection of the Hungary–Serbia barrier to block entry of illegal immigrants so that Hungary could register all the migrants arriving from Serbia, which is the country’s responsibility under the Dublin Regulation, a European Union law.^[117] Under Orbán, Hungary took numerous actions to combat illegal immigration and reduce refugee levels.^[118] In May 2020, the European Court of Justice ruled against Hungary’s policy of migrant transit zones, which Orbán subsequently abolished while also tightening the country’s asylum rules.^[119]
【参考译文】在 2015 年欧洲移民危机期间，欧尔班下令修建匈牙利-塞尔维亚屏障，以阻止非法移民入境，这样匈牙利就可以登记所有从塞尔维亚抵达的移民，这是欧盟法律《都柏林规则》规定的匈牙利责任。[117] 在欧尔班的领导下，匈牙利采取了多项措施打击非法移民并降低难民数量。[118] 2020 年 5 月，欧洲法院裁定匈牙利的移民过境区政策不合法，随后欧尔班废除了该政策，同时也收紧了匈牙利的庇护规则。[119]

As other Visegrád Group leaders, Orbán opposes any compulsory EU long-term quota on redistribution of migrants.^[120] According to him, Turkey should be considered a safe third country for unwanted immigrants or refugees.^[121]
【参考译文】与其他维谢格拉德集团领导人一样，欧尔班反对欧盟对移民重新分配实行任何强制性长期配额制度。[120] 根据他的说法，土耳其应被视为不受欢迎移民或难民的安全第三国。[121]

In 2015 Orban wrote in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung: “Europe’s response is madness. We must acknowledge that the European Union’s misguided immigration policy is responsible for this situation.”^[122] He also demanded an official EU list of “safe countries” to which migrants can be returned.^[123]
【参考译文】2015 年，欧尔班在《法兰克福汇报》上写道：“欧洲的回应是疯狂的。我们必须承认，欧盟错误的移民政策是造成这种情况的原因。”[122] 他还要求欧盟正式列出“安全国家”名单，以便将移民遣返至这些国家。[123]

He proposed 6 points to the European Union to tackle the crisis:
【参考译文】他向欧盟提出了六点解决危机的建议：

1. Joint surveillance of Greek borders to prevent migration from continuing illegally
   【参考译文】联合监视希腊边境，以防止移民继续非法入境
2. The separation of refugees and economic immigrants prior to their entrance to the Schengen area
   【参考译文】在难民和经济移民进入申根区之前将他们分开
3. All EU Member States and countries it judges to be as such should be considered Safe States (a state which complies with the 1951 Refugee Convention) to be able to accept refugees on paper.
   【参考译文】所有欧盟成员国以及它认为属于此类别的国家都应被视为安全国家（遵守 1951 年难民公约的国家），以便能够在文件上接受难民。
4. Every member should increase their contributions by at least 1% and reduce their expenditure by 1%. This would raise €3 billion for crisis management and refugee aid.
   【参考译文】每个成员国都应该将其捐款增加至少 1%，并减少 1% 的支出。这将为危机管理和难民援助筹集 30 亿欧元。
5. Work with Ankara and Moscow to manage the wave [coming from Syria] (This was also approved by D.C.)
   【参考译文】与安卡拉和莫斯科合作，以应对（来自叙利亚的）难民潮（这一点也得到了华盛顿的批准）
6. The creation of a world quota (not obliging but) calling on all developed countries to accept refugees on a proportional basis.
   【参考译文】设立世界配额（不带有强制性，但）呼吁所有发达国家按比例接受难民。

All but one of these points were voted through by the Parliament in the September of 2015 ^[1] (the surveillance of the archipe°lago was left to the Greek military).^[2]
【参考译文】除了对群岛的监视任务交给希腊军方外，[1] 议会于 2015 年 9 月通过了除这一点之外的所有提议。[2]

2017年4月9日，欧尔班政府推动被指为“中欧大学条款”的高教法修正案草案，其中最具争议的内容包括：2017年9月起，外国注册立案的大学，必须要有匈牙利与该外国政府签约背书，才得以在匈牙利招生运作；在匈牙利运作的外国大学，必须在其注册国拥有营运中的校区，被认为是针对中欧大学。欧尔班不仅将草案列为优先法案，还下令所属的青民盟“务必投下赞成票”。最后，在草案曝光后不过短短一个礼拜，“中欧大学条款”便在国会以123：38通过。阿戴尔总统隔日签署了高教法修正案——“中欧大学条款”正式生效，自2018年1月起，中欧大学将无法进行招生。学校由乔治·索罗斯创办，欧尔班曾公开批评索罗斯是“利用移民潮捞钱”，指责索罗斯意图“削弱民族国家”以及“改变欧洲传统生活”。欧尔班公开表示，目的就是要把索罗斯资助的非政府组织全部赶出匈牙利。欧盟和美国目前都已表达严正关切，其中美国国务院呼吁匈牙利暂缓实行高教法修正案。而中欧大学的布鲁塞尔校友会，也希望欧盟和美国能有进一步的动作。^[12]

5.3 第四届总理：2018－2022 | Fourth Orban government (2018–2022)

2018年4月8日举行的国会选举，欧尔班领导的青民盟再次胜出，赢得199席中的133席（连同1席亲青民盟的德语席次，合共134席），欧尔班第四次当选总理。

在选举前夕，欧尔班将自己塑造成匈牙利守护者，阻挡想入侵的移民和有敌意的西方势力。他告诉支持群众：“欧洲领袖和一名投机致富的亿万富翁（乔治·索罗斯）携手合作，要让移民进来。大规模移民和恐怖威胁增加是分不开的。当有大量移民，女性会面临暴力攻击的威胁。”欧尔班树立并发放成千上万的选战看板和选举海报，刊登绵延不绝的移民涌入的照片，上面只放了一个简单讯息：写着 “禁止通行”的红色交通号志。

In the April 2018 Hungarian parliamentary election, the Fidesz–KDNP alliance was victorious and preserved its two-thirds majority, with Orbán remaining prime minister. Orbán and Fidesz campaigned primarily on the issues of immigration and foreign meddling, and the election outcome was seen as a victory for right-wing populism in Europe.^{[124][125][126]}
【参考译文】在2018年4月的匈牙利议会选举中，菲德斯-基民党联盟取得了胜利，并保持了其三分之二的多数席位，欧尔班继续担任总理。欧尔班和菲德斯主要以移民和外国干预问题为竞选议题，选举结果被视为欧洲右翼民粹主义的胜利。

In his 2018 speech at the meeting of the Association of Cities with County Rights, Orbán said “We must state that we do not want to be diverse and do not want to be mixed: we do not want our own colour, traditions and national culture to be mixed with those of others. We do not want this. We do not want that at all. We do not want to be a diverse country.”^[127][128]
【参考译文】在2018年于县权利城市协会会议上的讲话中，欧尔班表示：“我们必须表明，我们不想变得多样化，也不想混合：我们不想让自己的色彩、传统和民族文化与他人混合。我们不希望这样。我们根本不想成为一个多元化的国家。”

匈牙利国民议会在2018年12月19日通过被批为“奴隶法”的劳工改革法案。新劳工法赋予雇主更大权力，可要求雇员把每年加班时数从250小时增至400小时，拖延薪资期限延长至3年。支持总理欧尔班·维克多颁布新法的总统阿戴尔·亚诺什在20日无视国内反对声浪，签署新版劳工法。示威者力促总统阿戴尔·亚诺什切勿签署新法，工会也威胁一旦签署新法将发动全面罢工。政党尤比克争取更好的匈牙利运动直斥总理欧尔班·维克多的决定可耻。^[13]

On 30 March 2020, the Hungarian parliament voted 137 to 53 in favor of passing legislation that would create a state of emergency without a time limit, grant the prime minister the ability to rule by decree, suspend by-elections, and introduce the possibility of prison sentences for spreading fake news and sanctions for leaving quarantine.^{[129][130][131]} Two and a half months later, on 16 June 2020, the Hungarian parliament passed a bill that ended the state of emergency effective 19 June.^[132] However, on the same day the parliament passed a new law removing the requirement of parliamentary approval for future “medical” states of emergencies, allowing the government to declare them by decree.^[133][134]
【参考译文】2020年3月30日，匈牙利国会以137票赞成、53票反对的结果通过了一项立法，该立法将创建一个没有时间限制的紧急状态，赋予总理通过法令进行统治的权力，暂停补选，并引入因传播假新闻和违反隔离规定而可能被判入狱的条款。两个半月后的2020年6月16日，匈牙利国会通过了一项法案，于6月19日起结束紧急状态。然而，在同一天，国会通过了一项新法律，取消了未来“医疗”紧急状态需要国会批准的要求，允许政府通过法令宣布进入紧急状态。

2019冠状病毒病蔓延至匈牙利后，匈牙利在2020年3月底开始进入紧急状态，同时该国颁布紧急状态法案，赋予总理过大权力，包含以总理行政命令取代法令。2020年6月19日，匈牙利解除紧急状态，匈牙利国会投票废除疫情期间赋予总理奥尔班的极大权力^[14]。

In 2021, the parliament transferred control of 11 state universities to foundations led by allies of Orbán.^[135][136] The Mathias Corvinus Collegium, a residential college, received an influx of government funds and assets equal to about 1% of Hungary’s gross domestic product, reportedly as part of a mission to train future conservative intellectuals.^[137]
【参考译文】2021年，国会将11所国立大学的控制权转移给了由欧尔班盟友领导的基金会。据报道，作为培养未来保守知识分子任务的一部分，住宿学院马提亚斯·考文纽斯学院（Mathias Corvinus Collegium）收到了相当于匈牙利国内生产总值1%的政府资金和资产。

Due to a combination of unfavourable conditions, which involved soaring demand of natural gas, its diminished supply from Russia and Norway to the European markets, and less power generation by renewable energy sources such as wind, water and solar energy, Europe faced steep increases in energy prices in 2021. In October 2021, Orbán blamed a record-breaking surge in energy prices on the European Commission’s Green Deal plans.^[138]
【参考译文】由于一系列不利条件的结合，包括天然气需求激增、来自俄罗斯和挪威对欧洲市场的供应减少，以及风能、水能和太阳能等可再生能源发电量的下降，欧洲在2021年面临了能源价格的急剧上涨。2021年10月，欧尔班将创纪录的能源价格上涨归咎于欧盟委员会的绿色协议计划。

Despite the anti-immigration rhetoric from Orbán, Hungary increased the immigration of foreign workers into the country as of 2019 to address a labor shortage.^{[139][140][141]}
【参考译文】尽管欧尔班发表了反移民的言论，但从2019年开始，为了应对劳动力短缺，匈牙利增加了外国工人入境的数量。

In February 2020, Orbán was interviewed by Christopher DeMuth at the National Conservatism Conference in Rome.^[142]
【参考译文】2020年2月，欧尔班在罗马举行的国家保守主义会议上接受了克里斯托弗·德姆斯（Christopher DeMuth）的采访。

In July 2020, Orbán expressed that he still expects arguments over linking of disbursement of funds of the European Union to rule-of-law criteria but remarked in a state radio interview that they “didn’t win the war, we (they) won an important battle”.^[143] In August 2020, Orbán whilst speaking at an event to inaugurate a monument commemorating the Treaty of Trianon, said Central European nations should come together to preserve their Christian roots as western Europe experiments with same-sex families, immigration and atheism.^[144]
【参考译文】2020年7月，欧尔班表示，他仍预计会有争论围绕将欧盟资金的分配与法治标准相挂钩的问题，但在国家电台的采访中他表示“他们并没有赢得这场战争，而是赢得了一场重要的战役”。2020年8月，欧尔班在一场为纪念特里亚农条约而建立的纪念碑揭幕仪式上发言时表示，中欧国家应该团结起来保护他们的基督教根源，而西欧则在尝试同性家庭、移民和无神论。

In a 2021 speech, Orbán said “The challenge with Bosnia is how to integrate a country with 2 million Muslims.” Bosnian leaders responded by calling for Orbán’s visit to Sarajevo to be cancelled. The head of the country’s Islamic Community, Husein Kavazović, characterized his statement as “xenophobic and racist”.^[145][146]
【参考译文】在2021年的一次演讲中，欧尔班表示，“波斯尼亚的挑战在于如何整合一个拥有200万穆斯林的国家。”波斯尼亚领导人对此回应，呼吁取消欧尔班访问萨拉热窝的行程。该国伊斯兰教社区的负责人胡塞因·卡瓦佐维奇将他的言论描述为“仇外和种族主义”。

5.4 第五届总理：2022年至今 | Fifth Orban government (2022–present)

In the April 2022 parliamentary election, Fidesz won a majority, garnering 135 of the 199 seats in the National Assembly. While Orbán’s close ties with Moscow raised concerns, core Fidesz voters were persuaded that mending ties with the EU might also lead Hungary into war. The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe dispatched a full-scale monitoring mission for the election.^[147] Orbán declared victory on Sunday night, with partial results showing his Fidesz party leading the vote by a wide margin. Addressing his supporters after the partial results, Orbán said: “We won a victory so big that you can see it from the moon, and you can certainly see it from Brussels.”^[4] Opposition leader Péter Márki-Zay admitted defeat shortly after Orbán’s speech.^[148]
【参考译文】在 2022 年 4 月的议会选举中，青民盟赢得了多数席位，在国民议会的 199 个席位中占据了 135 个席位。尽管欧尔班与莫斯科的密切关系引发了人们的担忧，但青民盟的核心选民认为，与欧盟修复关系也可能导致匈牙利卷入战争。欧洲安全与合作组织为选举派遣了一个全面的监察团。[147] 周日晚，欧尔班宣布胜利，部分结果显示他的青民盟在投票中遥遥领先。在部分结果公布后，欧尔班对支持者表示：“我们取得了如此巨大的胜利，你甚至可以从月球上看到它，你肯定能从布鲁塞尔看到它。”[4] 欧尔班发表讲话后不久，反对党领袖彼得·马尔基-扎伊便承认了失败。[148]

In May 2022, Orbán promoted the Great Replacement conspiracy theory in a speech.^[149]
【参考译文】2022 年 5 月，欧尔班在一次演讲中宣传了“大替代”阴谋论。[149]

In July 2022, Orbán – repeating the thesis of Jean Raspail^[150][151] – spoke in Romania against the “mixing” of European and non-European races, adding “We [Hungarians] are not a mixed race and we do not want to become a mixed race.”^{[152][153][154][155]} In Vienna two days later, he clarified that he was talking about cultures and not about race.^[18]
【参考译文】2022 年 7 月，欧尔班在罗马尼亚发表演讲，重申了让·拉斯帕伊的论点[150][151]，反对“混合”欧洲和非欧洲种族，并补充说：“我们（匈牙利人）不是混血种族，我们也不想成为混血种族。”[152][153][154][155] 两天后，他在维也纳澄清说，他指的是文化而非种族。[18]

2022年9月15日，欧洲议会通过决议，认定匈牙利不再是一个完全民主国家，而是一个“选举式威权主义的混合政体”，并且严重违反欧盟民主规范。^[17]

2024年1月18日，欧洲议会通过决议，呼吁欧盟领导人限制匈牙利在欧盟的权利，并谴责“匈牙利政府蓄意、持续和系统地破坏欧盟基本价值观的行为”。 决议条文呼吁，当包括欧洲理事会在内的所有欧盟成员国领导人确定匈牙利是否一再“严重且持续违反欧盟价值观”时，可能暂停匈牙利在欧盟的某些权利，包括在欧盟理事会的投票权^[18]。

In July 2024 Zelensky decided to shut down the overland pipeline transfer of petroleum products from Russia to Hungary.^[156] Orban and his government protested this event strenuously.^[157] When Croatia suggested that Hungary could use the Adria pipeline,^[158][159] Orban refused,^[160][161] and his foreign minister said that it was unreliable.^[159][162]
【参考译文】2024 年 7 月，泽连斯基决定关闭从俄罗斯向匈牙利输送石油产品的陆上管道。[156] 欧尔班和他的政府对此事进行了强烈抗议。[157] 当克罗地亚提出匈牙利可以使用阿德里亚管道时，[158][159] 欧尔班拒绝了，[160][161] 他的外交部长表示该管道不可靠。[159][162]

5.5 国际关系 | Foreign policy

Orbán attended the inauguration ceremonies of re-elected Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Ankara in 2018 and 2023.^[163][164] In October 2018, Orbán said after talks with President Erdoğan in Budapest that “A stable Turkish government and a stable Turkey are a precondition for Hungary not to be endangered in any way due to overland migration.”^[165]
【参考译文】欧尔班出席了 2018 年和 2023 年在安卡拉举行的土耳其总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安连任就职典礼。[163][164] 2018 年 10 月，欧尔班在与埃尔多安总统在布达佩斯会谈后表示，“一个稳定的土耳其政府和一个稳定的土耳其是匈牙利不会因陆地移民而在任何方面受到威胁的先决条件。”[165]

In June 2019, Orbán met Myanmar‘s State Counsellor and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. They discussed bilateral ties and illegal migration.^[166][167]
【参考译文】2019 年 6 月，欧尔班会见了缅甸国务资政、诺贝尔和平奖获得者昂山素季。他们讨论了双边关系和非法移民问题。[166][167]

5.5.1 中国 | China

Main article: China–Hungary relations【主条目：中国-匈牙利关系】

Orbán has maintained close ties with China throughout his tenure, and his administration is generally seen as China’s closest ally in the EU.^[168] Hungary joined China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2015,^[169] while in April 2019, Orbán attended a BRI forum in Beijing,^[170] where he met the Chinese leader Xi Jinping.^[171] He spearheaded plans to open a Fudan University campus in Budapest, which led to pushback in Hungary.^[172] He met with Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Politburo member and top diplomat Wang Yi in Budapest on 20 February 2023; he afterwards backed the peace plan released by Wang Yi concerning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.^[173]
【参考译文】欧尔班在任期间一直与中国保持着密切联系，他的政府被普遍视为中国在欧盟最亲密的盟友。[168] 匈牙利于 2015 年加入了中国的“一带一路”倡议 (BRI)，[169] 2019 年 4 月，欧尔班出席了在北京举行的“一带一路”论坛，[170] 并在那里会见了中国领导人习近平。[171] 他牵头计划在布达佩斯开设复旦大学校园，这导致匈牙利国内出现反对。[172] 2023 年 2 月 20 日，他在布达佩斯会见了中国共产党政治局委员、最高外交官王毅；随后，他支持王毅发布的有关俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的和平计划。[173]

5.5.2 俄罗斯和乌克兰 | Russia and Ukraine

Main articles: Hungary–Russia relations and Hungary–Ukraine relations
【主条目：“匈牙利-俄罗斯关系”和”匈牙利-乌克兰“词条】

Orbán questioned Nord Stream II, a new Russia–Germany natural gas pipeline. He said he wants to hear a “reasonable argument why South Stream was bad and Nord Stream is not”.^[174] “South Stream” refers to the Balkan pipeline cancelled by Russia in December 2014 after obstacles from the EU.^[175]
【参考译文】欧尔班对“北溪二号”项目提出质疑，这是一个新的俄罗斯-德国天然气管道项目。他表示，他想听听“为什么南溪项目不好，而北溪项目却没问题”的“合理理由”。[174]“南溪”指的是巴尔干管道，该管道因欧盟的阻碍，于 2014 年 12 月被俄罗斯取消。[175]

Since 2017, Hungary’s relations with Ukraine rapidly deteriorated over the issue of the Hungarian minority in Ukraine.^[176] Orbán and his cabinet ministers repeatedly criticized Ukraine’s 2017 education law, which makes Ukrainian the only language of education in state schools,^[177][178] and threatened to block further Ukraine’s EU and NATO integration until it is modified or repealed.^[179] (The language law was amended in December 2023 in favor of official languages of the European Union, including Hungarian.^[180])
【参考译文】自 2017 年以来，由于乌克兰匈牙利少数民族问题，匈牙利与乌克兰的关系迅速恶化。[176] 欧尔班和他的内阁部长们多次批评乌克兰 2017 年的教育法，该法规定乌克兰语是公立学校的唯一教育语言，[177][178] 并威胁要阻止乌克兰进一步融入欧盟和北约，直到该法被修改或废除。[179] （该语言法于 2023 年 12 月进行了修订，支持包括匈牙利语在内的欧盟官方语言。[180]）

Orbán has displayed an ambivalent attitude towards Russia and Vladimir Putin, especially following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.^[181][182] He has described the war as “clear aggression” by Russia, saying a sovereign Ukraine is needed “to stop Russia posing a threat to the security of Europe”.^{[183][184][185]} However, conversely, he has also criticised the European Union for “prolonging the war” in Ukraine by sanctioning Russia and sending weapons and money to Ukraine instead of encouraging a negotiated peace, and has been accused of blocking aid to Ukraine.^{[186][187][188]}
【参考译文】欧尔班对俄罗斯和弗拉基米尔·普京表现出矛盾的态度，尤其是在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰之后。[181][182] 他将这场战争描述为俄罗斯的“明显侵略”，并表示需要一个主权乌克兰“来阻止俄罗斯对欧洲安全构成威胁”。[183]​​[184][185] 然而，另一方面，他也批评欧盟通过制裁俄罗斯并向乌克兰提供武器和资金而不是鼓励通过谈判实现和平来“延长乌克兰战争”，并被指控阻止对乌克兰的援助。[186][187][188]

Amidst the 2021-2022 Ukraine crisis, Orbán was the first EU leader to meet with Vladimir Putin in Moscow in a visit he called “a peacekeeping mission”.^[189] They also discussed Russian gas exports to Hungary.^[148] On 2 March, as Russia had already launched an invasion of Ukraine, Orbán decided to welcome Ukrainian refugees to Hungary, and will support the Ukrainian membership to the European Union.^[148] Initially, Orbán condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and said Hungary would not veto EU sanctions against Russia.^[190] However, Orbán rejected sanctions on Russian energy, due to Hungary’s excessive dependency (85%) on Russian fossil fuels.^[191] In late March 2022, Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky singled out Orban for his lack of support for Ukraine.^[192] In June, Zelensky thanked Orbán for supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and for giving asylum to Ukrainians.^[193]
【参考译文】在 2021-2022 年乌克兰危机期间，欧尔班是第一位在莫斯科与弗拉基米尔·普京会面的欧盟领导人，他称这次访问是“维和任务”。[189] 他们还讨论了俄罗斯向匈牙利出口天然气的问题。[148] 3 月 2 日，由于俄罗斯已经入侵乌克兰，欧尔班决定欢迎乌克兰难民来到匈牙利，并将支持乌克兰加入欧盟。[148] 最初，欧尔班责俄罗斯入侵乌克兰，并表示匈牙利不会否决欧盟对俄罗斯的制裁。[190] 然而，由于匈牙利过度依赖（85%）俄罗斯化石燃料，欧尔班拒绝了对俄罗斯能源的制裁。[191] 2022 年 3 月下旬，乌克兰总统泽连斯基特别指出奥尔班对乌克兰缺乏支持。[192] 6 月，泽连斯基感谢欧尔班支持乌克兰主权并向乌克兰人提供庇护。[193]

On 27 February 2023, Viktor Orbán said that Hungary supports the Chinese peace plan in the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, despite opposition by Western leaders. Beijing’s 12-point statement that criticised unilateral sanctions, would reduce strategic risks associated with nuclear weapons in Central and Eastern Europe, according to the statement.^[194]
【参考译文】2023 年 2 月 27 日，维克托·欧尔班表示，尽管西方领导人反对，匈牙利仍支持中国在俄乌冲突中的和平计划。声明称，北京的 12 点声明批评了单边制裁，将降低中欧和东欧核武器带来的战略风险。[194]

5.5.3 加入突厥国家组织 | Accession to the Organization of Turkic States

See also: Hungarian Turanism【参见：匈牙利的旅游业】

Since 2014, Hungary has had observer status at the General Assembly of Turkic-speaking States, and in 2017 it submitted an application for accession to the International Turkic Academy. During the 6th Summit of Turkic Council, Orbán said that Hungary is seeking even closer cooperation with the Turkic Council.^[195] In 2018, Hungary obtained observer status in the council.^[196] In 2021, Orbán mentioned that the Hungarian and Turkic peoples share a historical and cultural heritage “reaching back many long centuries”. He also pointed out that the Hungarian people are “proud of this heritage”, and “were also proud when their opponents in Europe mocked them as barbarian Huns and Attila‘s people”.^[197] In 2023, during his visit to Kazakhstan, Orbán said that Hungarians come to Kazakhstan “with great pleasure” because the two nations are connected by “millennial common roots”.^[198]
【参考译文】自 2014 年以来，匈牙利一直拥有突厥语国家大会的观察员地位，并于 2017 年提交了加入国际突厥学院的申请。在突厥理事会第六届峰会上，欧尔班表示，匈牙利正在寻求与突厥理事会建立更密切的合作。[195] 2018 年，匈牙利获得了该理事会的观察员地位。[196] 2021 年，欧尔班提到，匈牙利和突厥人民拥有“可以追溯到许多世纪”的历史和文化遗产。他还指出，匈牙利人民“为这一遗产感到自豪”，并且“当他们的欧洲对手嘲笑他们是野蛮的匈奴人和阿提拉的人民时，他们也感到自豪”。[197] 2023 年，欧尔班在访问哈萨克斯坦期间表示，匈牙利人“非常高兴”来到哈萨克斯坦，因为两个民族有着“千年共同根源”的联系。[198]

5.5.4 以色列和哈马斯 | Israel and Hamas

The Hungarian government expressed support for Israel in the 2023 Israel–Hamas war. On 13 October, Orbán stated “Israel has the right to defend itself” and “we will not allow sympathy rallies supporting terrorist organisations”.^[199] On 22 October, Fidesz parliamentary leader Máté Kocsis announced that the party will introduce a manifesto before the parliament condemning Hamas terrorism.^[200]
【参考译文】匈牙利政府表示将在 2023 年以色列与哈马斯战争中支持以色列。10 月 13 日，奥尔班表示“以色列有权自卫”，“我们不会允许举行支持恐怖组织的同情集会”。[199] 10 月 22 日，青民盟议会领袖马泰·科奇西斯宣布，该党将在议会提交一份宣言，谴责哈马斯的恐怖主义行为。[200]

6. 政策和观点 | Policy and views

Orbán’s blend of soft Euroscepticism, populism,^{[201][202][203]} and national conservatism has seen him compared to politicians and political parties as diverse as Jarosław Kaczyński‘s Law and Justice, Silvio Berlusconi‘s Forza Italia, Matteo Salvini‘s Lega (previously Lega Nord), Marine Le Pen‘s National Rally, Donald Trump,^[204] Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Vladimir Putin.^[205] Orbán has sought to make Hungary an “ideological center for … an international conservative movement”.^[206]
【参考译文】欧尔班的思想融合了温和的欧洲怀疑主义、民粹主义[201][202][203]和民族保守主义，人们拿他与雅罗斯瓦夫·卡钦斯基的法律与公正党、西尔维奥·贝卢斯科尼的意大利力量党、马泰奥·萨尔维尼的北方联盟 (Lega, 前身为北方联盟)、玛丽娜·勒庞的国民联盟、唐纳德·特朗普[204]、雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安和弗拉基米尔·普京[205]等各种各样的政治家和政党进行比较。欧尔班一直致力于将匈牙利打造成“国际保守运动的意识形态中心”。[206]

According to Politico, Orbán’s political philosophy “echoes the resentments of what were once the peasant and working classes” by promoting an “uncompromising defense of national sovereignty and a transparent distrust of Europe’s ruling establishments”.^[204] Orbán frequently emphasizes the importance of Christianity, although he and the overwhelming majority of Hungarians do not attend church regularly.^[207] His authoritarian appeal to “global conservatives” has been summarized by Lauren Stokes as: “I alone can save you from the ravages of Islamization and totalitarian progressivism – and in the face of all that, who has time for checks and balances and rules?”.^[207] Orbán has criticized the EU, comparing it to forces that have occupied Hungary throughout history.^[208]
【参考译文】据《政治报》报道，欧尔班的政治哲学“呼应了曾经的农民和工人阶级的不满情绪”，提倡“毫不妥协地捍卫国家主权，并明显不信任欧洲的统治机构”。[204] 欧尔班经常强调基督教的重要性，尽管他和绝大多数匈牙利人并不定期去教堂。[207] 劳伦·斯托克斯 (Lauren Stokes) 总结了他对“全球保守派”的威权呼吁：“只有我能拯救你们免受伊斯兰化和极权主义进步主义的蹂躏——面对这一切，谁还有时间去制衡和制定规则？”[207] 欧尔班批评欧盟，将其比作历史上占领匈牙利的势力。[208]

Orbán had a close relationship with the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, having known him for decades. He is described as “one of Mr Netanyahu’s closest allies in Europe”.^[209] Orbán received personal advice on economic reforms from Netanyahu, while the latter was Finance Minister of Israel (2003–2005).^[210] In February 2019, Netanyahu thanked Orbán for “deciding to extend the embassy of Hungary in Israel to Jerusalem“.^[211]
【参考译文】欧尔班与以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡关系密切，相识数十年。他被描述为“内塔尼亚胡先生在欧洲最亲密的盟友之一”。[209] 欧尔班曾从内塔尼亚胡那里获得有关经济改革的个人建议，而内塔尼亚胡曾担任以色列财政部长（2003-2005 年）。[210] 2019 年 2 月，内塔尼亚胡感谢欧尔班“决定将匈牙利驻以色列大使馆扩建至耶路撒冷”。[211]

Orbán is seen as having laid out his political views most concretely in a widely cited 2014 public address at Băile Tușnad (known in Hungary as the Tusnádfürdői beszéd, or “Tusnádfürdő speech“). In the address, Orbán repudiated the classical liberal theory of the state as a free association of atomistic individuals, arguing for the use of the state as the means of organizing, invigorating, or even constructing the national community. Although this kind of state respects traditionally liberal concepts like civic rights, it is properly called “illiberal” because it views the community, and not the individual, as the basic political unit.^[114] In practice, Orbán claimed, such a state should promote national self-sufficiency, national sovereignty, familialism, full employment and the preservation of cultural heritage.^[114]
【参考译文】奥尔班在 2014 年伯伊莱图什纳德的一次被广泛引用的公开演讲（在匈牙利被称为“图斯纳德福德演讲”）中，最具体地阐述了他的政治观点。在演讲中，奥尔班驳斥了古典自由主义理论，即国家是原子个体的自由联合体，主张将国家作为组织、振兴甚至构建民族共同体的手段。虽然这种国家尊重公民权利等传统自由主义概念，但它被恰当地称为“非自由主义”，因为它将社区而不是个人视为基本政治单位。[114] 奥尔班声称，在实践中，这样的国家应该促进国家自给自足、国家主权、家庭主义、充分就业和文化遗产的保护。[114]

Orbán’s second and third premierships have been the subject of significant international controversy, and reception of his political views is mixed. The 2011 constitutional changes enacted under his leadership were, in particular, accused of centralizing legislative and executive power, curbing civil liberties, restricting freedom of speech, and weakening the Constitutional Court and judiciary.^[98] For these reasons, critics have described him as an “irredentist“,^[212] a “right-wing populist“,^[213] an “authoritarian“,^[214] “far-right“,^[215] a “fascist“,^[216] “autocratic“,^[217] a “Putinist“,^[218] a “strongman“,^[219] and a “dictator“.^[220]
【参考译文】奥尔班的第二和第三任总理任期在国际上引起了重大争议，人们对他的政治观点褒贬不一。特别是，在他领导下实施的 2011 年宪法改革被指责为集中立法和行政权力、限制公民自由、限制言论自由以及削弱宪法法院和司法机构。[98] 出于这些原因，批评者将他描述为“收复主义者”、“右翼民粹主义者”、“独裁者”、“极右翼分子”、“法西斯主义者”、“独裁者”、“普京主义者”、“强人”和“独裁者”。[220]

The European migrant crisis, coupled with continued Islamist terrorism in the European Union, have popularized Orbán’s nationalist, protectionist policies among European conservative leaders. “Once ostracized” by Europe’s political elite, writes Politico, Orbán “is now the talisman of Europe’s mainstream right”.^[204]
【参考译文】欧洲移民危机，加上欧盟内持续的伊斯兰恐怖主义，使得欧尔班的民族主义、保护主义政策在欧洲保守派领导人中​​广受欢迎。《政治报》写道，欧尔班“曾被欧洲政治精英排斥，但现在却成了欧洲主流右翼的护身符”。[204]

As mentioned above, Orbán has promoted the Great Replacement conspiracy theory. In a 2018 speech, he stated: “I think there are many people who would like to see the end of Christian Europe, and they believe that if they replace its cultural subsoil, if they bring in millions of people from new ethnic groups which are not rooted in Christian culture, then they will transform Europe according to their conception.”^[221]
【参考译文】如上所述，奥尔班宣扬了“大替代”阴谋论。他在 2018 年的一次演讲中表示：“我认为有很多人希望看到基督教欧洲的终结，他们相信，如果他们取代了它的文化底土，如果他们引进数百万来自非基督教文化根基的新族群的人，那么他们就会按照他们的构想改变欧洲。”[221]

During a press conference in January 2019, Orbán praised Brazil’s then president Jair Bolsonaro, saying that currently “the most apt definition of modern Christian democracy can be found in Brazil, not in Europe”.^[222]
【参考译文】欧尔班在 2019 年 1 月的新闻发布会上称赞了巴西时任总统雅伊尔·博索纳罗，称目前“现代基督教民主最恰当的定义可以在巴西找到，而不是在欧洲”。[222]

In support of Orbán and his ideas, a think tank called the Danube Institute was established in 2013, funded by the Batthyány Foundation, which in turn is “funded entirely by the Hungarian government”.^[223] Batthyány “sponsors international conferences and three periodicals, all in English: European Conservative, Hungarian Review, and Hungarian Conservative“. In 2020, the institute began hosting fellows.^[223]
【参考译文】为了支持欧尔班及其理念，一个名为多瑙河研究所的智库于 2013 年成立，由巴提亚尼基金会资助，而该基金会“完全由匈牙利政府资助”。[223] 巴提亚尼“赞助国际会议和三份期刊，全部为英文：《欧洲保守派》、《匈牙利评论》和《匈牙利保守派》。2020 年，该研究所开始接待研究员。[223]

在美国 | In the United States

Orbán often attacked the administrations of presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden, particularly for their supposed pro-immigration policies. Some analysts argue that Orban’s attacks on the US are largely political theater for his domestic voters.^[20]
【参考译文】奥尔班经常攻击奥巴马和拜登政府，尤其是他们所谓的支持移民的政策。一些分析人士认为，欧尔班对美国的攻击主要是为国内选民表演的政治剧。[20]

In January 2022, Donald Trump endorsed Orbán in the 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election, saying in a statement that he “truly loves his Country and wants safety for his people”, and praising his hard-line immigration policies.^[224][225] Donald Trump’s former chief strategist, Steve Bannon, once called Orbán “Trump before Trump”.^[128]
【参考译文】2022 年 1 月，唐纳德·特朗普 (Donald Trump) 支持欧尔班参加 2022 年匈牙利议会选举，他在一份声明中表示，他“真心爱自己的国家，希望自己的人民安全”，并称赞其强硬的移民政策。[224][225] 唐纳德·特朗普 (Donald Trump) 的前首席策略师史蒂夫·班农 (Steve Bannon) 曾称欧尔班为“特朗普之前的特朗普”。[128]

In August 2021, Tucker Carlson hosted some episodes of his show, Tucker Carlson Tonight, from Budapest, praising Orbán as the one elected leader “on the face of the earth, … who publicly identifies as a Western-style conservative”. He also conducted a fifteen-minute interview with Orbán, which was widely criticized for its fawning nature and lack of challenging questions.^[223]
【参考译文】2021 年 8 月，塔克·卡尔森在布达佩斯主持了他的节目《塔克·卡尔森今夜》的几期节目，称赞欧尔班是“地球上唯一一位……公开自称是西方式保守派的民选领导人”。他还对欧尔班进行了 15 分钟的采访，该采访因其阿谀奉承的性质和缺乏挑战性的问题而受到广泛批评。[223]

In May 2022 the Conservative Political Action Conference, the “flagship conference” of American conservatism,^[207] held a satellite event in Budapest.^[226] In Florida, a law regulating sex education in schools, sometimes called the “Don’t Say Gay” law, resembles a similar Hungarian law passed in 2021 and was, according to governor Ron DeSantis’s press secretary, inspired by it.^[223]
【参考译文】2022 年 5 月，美国保守主义的“旗舰会议”保守党政治行动会议[207]在布达佩斯举行了一场卫星活动。[226] 在佛罗里达州，一项规范学校性教育的法律，有时被称为“不说同性恋”法，类似于 2021 年通过的匈牙利类似法律，据州长罗恩·德桑蒂斯的新闻秘书称，该法律受到了该法律的启发。[223]

In August 2022, Orbán was the opening speaker at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in Dallas, Texas.^[227]
【参考译文】2022 年 8 月，欧尔班在德克萨斯州达拉斯举行的保守党政治行动会议 (CPAC) 上担任开幕发言人。[227]

6.1 国内政策 | Domestic policy

Viktor Orbán’s domestic policy agenda has placed emphasis on cultural conservatism, especially through pro-natalist policies designed to encourage family formation and reduce immigration. Female university graduates who have (or adopt) children within two years of graduation receive partial or full forgiveness on their student loans, including a full write-off of their student debt if they have three or more children.^[228][229] Hungarian women who have four or more children are eligible for full income tax exemption for life.^[230] Married couples are eligible for low fixed-rate mortgages on a house with additional financial support through family housing benefits, as well as subsidies for the purchase of seven-seat cars for families with three or more children and financial support for child care.^[231] In support of these policies, Orbán stated in 2019 that “For the west, the answer is immigration. For every missing child there should be one coming in and then the numbers will be fine. But we do not need numbers. We need Hungarian children.”^[232] The government has also tightened legal regulations on access to abortion, including requiring pregnant women to listen to the heartbeat of the fetus prior to an abortion being approved by a doctor.^[233] The number of abortions procured in Hungary between 2010 and 2021 fell almost 50%, from 34 per hundred live births in 2010 to 23.7 per hundred in 2021.^[234]
【参考译文】维克托·欧尔班的国内政策议程强调文化保守主义，特别是通过鼓励家庭组建和减少移民的生育政策。女大学毕业生在毕业两年内生育（或收养）子女，可获得部分或全部学生贷款减免，如果她们有三个或三个以上的孩子，则可全额免除学生贷款。[228][229] 有四个或四个以上孩子的匈牙利妇女有资格终身免征所得税。[230] 已婚夫妇有资格获得低固定利率的房屋抵押贷款，并通过家庭住房福利获得额外经济支持，以及为有三个或三个以上孩子的家庭购买七座汽车提供补贴和儿童保育经济支持。[231]为了支持这些政策，奥尔班在 2019 年表示：“对西方来说，答案就是移民。每失踪一个孩子，就应该有一个孩子进来，这样数字就没问题了。但我们不需要数字。我们需要匈牙利儿童。”[232] 政府还加强了堕胎的法律规定，包括要求孕妇在医生批准堕胎之前听胎儿的心跳。[233] 2010 年至 2021 年间，匈牙利的堕胎数量下降了近 50%，从 2010 年每 100 名活产婴儿 34 例堕胎下降到 2021 年每 100 名活产婴儿 23.7 例堕胎。[234]

As stated by The Guardian, the “Hungarian government doubled family spending between 2010 and 2019”, intending to achieve “a lasting turn in demographic processes by 2030”. Orbán has espoused an anti-immigration platform, and has also advocated for increased investment into “Family First”. Orbán has disregarded the European Union’s attempts to promote integration as a key solution to population distribution problems in Europe. He has also supported investments into countering the country’s low birth rates. Orbán has tapped into the “great replacement theory” which emulates a nativist approach to rejecting foreign immigration out of fear of replacement by immigrants. He has stated that “If Europe is not going to be populated by Europeans in the future and we take this as given, then we are speaking about an exchange of populations, to replace the population of Europeans with others.” The Guardian stated that “This year the Hungarian government introduced a 10 million forint (£27,000) interest-free loan for families, which does not have to be paid back if the couple has three children.”^[235]
【参考译文】据《卫报》报道，“匈牙利政府在 2010 年至 2019 年间将家庭支出增加了一倍”，并打算在“2030 年实现人口进程的持久转变”。奥尔班拥护反移民纲领，并主张增加对“家庭第一”的投资。奥尔班无视欧盟推动一体化作为解决欧洲人口分布问题的关键解决方案的努力。他还支持投资以应对该国的低出生率。奥尔班利用了“大替代理论”，该理论模仿了本土主义者拒绝外国移民的做法，因为他们担心会被移民取代。他表示：“如果未来欧洲不会由欧洲人居住，而我们认为这是理所当然的，那么我们谈论的是人口交换，用其他人种取代欧洲人。” 《卫报》称，“匈牙利政府今年向家庭提供 1000 万福林（27,000 英镑）的无息贷款，如果夫妇有三个孩子，则无需偿还这笔贷款。”[235]

His government’s economic approach has been referred to as “Orbánomics“.^[236] Despite early concerns that these reforms would undermine investor confidence, economic growth has been strong with unemployment “plummeting” between 2010 and 2021 and year-on-year GDP growth at 4 percent in 2021.^[237] Progressive taxation on income was abolished in 2015 and replaced with a flat rate of 16% on gross income, and income taxes on those aged 25 years or younger was abolished entirely in 2021.^[238] Hungary paid the last of its IMF loan ahead of schedule in 2013, with the fund closing its Budapest office later that year.^[239] Due to the economic impact of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, as well as the shocks of COVID-19 pandemic and lockdowns, Orbán’s government has imposed windfall taxes on banks, pharmaceutical companies, and energy companies in order to maintain a government-subsidized cap on utility bills (including gas, electricity, water, district heating, sewage, and garbage collection) which continues into 2023.^[240]
【参考译文】他的政府的经济方针被称为“欧尔班经济学”。[236] 尽管早期担心这些改革会削弱投资者信心，但经济增长一直强劲，失业率在 2010 年至 2021 年间“直线下降”，2021 年 GDP 同比增长 4%。[237] 2015 年，累进所得税被废除，取而代之的是 16% 的总收入统一税率，2021 年，25 岁​​或以下人士的所得税被完全废除。[238] 匈牙利于 2013 年提前偿还了最后一笔 IMF 贷款，该基金组织于当年晚些时候关闭了其布达佩斯办事处。[239]由于俄罗斯入侵乌克兰对经济造成的影响，以及新冠疫情和封锁带来的冲击，奥尔班政府对银行、制药公司和能源公司征收了暴利税，以维持政府补贴的公用事业费用上限（包括煤气、电力、水、区域供热、污水处理和垃圾收集），该上限将持续到 2023 年。[240]

Orbán’s government has encouraged and provided financial support for the establishment of conservative think-tanks and cultural institutions. The Mathias Corvinus Collegium has purchased stakes in several European universities and has purchased the Modul University in Vienna.^[241][242] The thinktank’s Brussels branch opened in November 2022.^[243] In 2021, Orbán’s government passed a bill which privatized 11 Hungarian universities and subsequently were endowed billions of euros in assets from the state budget, as well as real estate and shares in large companies. The government has appointed conservatives to the supervisory boards of these universities.^[244]
【参考译文】欧尔班政府鼓励并为保守派智库和文化机构的建立提供资金支持。马蒂亚斯·考文努斯学院购买了几所欧洲大学的股份，并收购了维也纳的莫杜尔大学。[241][242] 该智库的布鲁塞尔分支机构于 2022 年 11 月开业。[243] 2021 年，欧尔班政府通过了一项法案，将 11 所匈牙利大学私有化，随后从国家预算中获得了数十亿欧元的资产，以及房地产和大公司的股份。政府已任命保守派进入这些大学的监事会。[244]

As part of a drive to “re-Christianize” the country, his government has privatised many previously state-run schools and enlisted Christian churches to provide education, introduced religion classes into the national education curriculum, and provided financial support to more Christian schools.^[245] The country’s kindergarten curriculum was amended to promote “national identity, Christian cultural values, patriotism, attachment to homeland and family”.^[237] Between 2010 and 2018, the number of Catholic schools increased from 9.4 percent to 18 percent.^[246] The government also created the Center for Fundamental Rights (Hungarian: Alapjogokért Központ) in 2013 who describe their mission as “preserving national identity, sovereignty and Christian social traditions”.^[237] In 2019 the government passed a law taking control of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.^[247]
【参考译文】作为“重新基督教化”国家运动的一部分，他的政府将许多以前由国营学校私有化，并招募基督教教堂提供教育，将宗教课程纳入国家教育课程，并向更多基督教学校提供财政支持。[245] 该国的幼儿园课程进行了修订，以促进“民族认同、基督教文化价值观、爱国主义、对祖国和家庭的依恋”。[237] 2010 年至 2018 年间，天主教学校的数量从 9.4% 增加到 18%。[246] 政府还于 2013 年成立了基本权利中心（匈牙利语：Alapjogokért Központ），其使命是“维护民族认同、主权和基督教社会传统”。[237] 2019 年，政府通过了一项法律，控制了匈牙利科学院。[247]

6.2 民主倒退和威权主义 | Democratic backsliding and authoritarianism

Between 2010 and 2020, Hungary dropped 69 places in the Press Freedom Index,^[248][249] lost 11 places in the Democracy Index,^[250][251] and deteriorated 16 places in the Corruption Perceptions Index.^[252][253] In 2019 Freedom House downgraded the country from “free” to “partly free”.^[254] The V-Dem Democracy indices rank Hungary in 2021 as 96th in its “electoral democracy index” that measures “whether elections were free and fair, as well as the prevalence of a free and independent media”, sitting between Benin and Malaysia.^[255] Additionally, Freedom House‘s Nations in Transit 2020 report reclassified Hungary from a democracy to a transitional or hybrid regime.^[256] Furthermore, in 2022, the European Parliament stated that “Hungary can no longer be considered a full democracy” and that the country has become an “electoral autocracy“.^[257]
【参考译文】2010 年至 2020 年间，匈牙利在新闻自由指数中下降了 69 位[248][249]，在民主指数中下降了 11 位[250][251]，在腐败感知指数中下降了 16 位。[252][253] 2019 年，自由之家将该国的评级从“自由”下调为“部分自由”。[254] V-Dem 民主指数将匈牙利在 2021 年的“选举民主指数”中排在第 96 位，该指数衡量“选举是否自由公正，以及自由独立媒体的普及程度”，位于贝宁和马来西亚之间。[255] 此外，自由之家的《2020 年国家转型报告》将匈牙利从民主国家重新归类为过渡或混合政体。[256]此外，2022 年，欧洲议会表示“匈牙利不再被视为一个完全的民主国家”，该国已成为一个“选举专制国家”。[257]

The late professor of economics at Harvard University, János Kornai, described the evolution of the Hungarian state during Orbán’s second premiership as having taken a “u-turn” away from the aim of becoming a market economy based on the rule of law and private ownership and instead beginning the “systematic destruction of the fundamental institutions of democracy”.^{[258]: 34–35} In her 2015 article on Orbán’s illiberal democracy, Abby Innes, associate professor of political economy at the London School of Economics simply states that “Hungary can no longer be ranked a democratic country”.^[259]: 95 Former minister of education, Bálint Magyar, has stated that elections in Hungary under Orbán are undemocratic and “free but not fair”, due to gerrymandering, large-scale control over the media, and suspect funding for political campaigns.^[260]
【参考译文】已故哈佛大学经济学教授亚诺什·科尔奈 (János Kornai) 认为，在奥尔班第二次担任总理期间，匈牙利国家的发展“发生了 180 度大转弯”，不再致力于成为基于法治和私有制的市场经济，而是开始“系统性地破坏民主的基本制度”。[258]: 34–35  伦敦政治经济学院政治经济学副教授艾比·英尼斯 (Abby Innes) 在 2015 年发表的关于奥尔班非自由民主的文章中简单地说，“匈牙利不再是一个民主国家”。[259]: 95  前教育部长巴林特·马扎尔 (Bálint Magyar) 表示，奥尔班领导下的匈牙利选举不民主，“自由但不公平”，原因是选区划分不公、大规模控制媒体以及对政治运动的资金来源可疑。[260]

In the April 2022 election, Orbán’s Fidesz party won 54% of the vote but 83% of the districts, due to gerrymandering, and “other tweaks” to Hungarian electoral rules.^[223] According to American journalist and author Andrew Marantz, Orbán passed laws, amended the constitution and “patiently debilitated, delegitimatized, hollowed out” civic institutions such as courts, universities, and the apparatus necessary for free elections that are now controlled by Orbán loyalists.^[223] Domination of the public media by Orbán prevents the public from hearing critics’ point of view. In 2022, Orbán’s opponent was given just five minutes on the national television “to make his case to the voters”.^[223] Private media outlets like the ATV and RTL, among others, offered playtime for opposition members. An example of the discreet, below-the-radar process of accumulating power by Orbán and his party was the creation of a special police force that started as a small anti-terror unit. The unit grew and became more powerful “bit by bit in disparate clauses buried in unrelated laws”. Marantz cites Princeton professor of sociology Kim Lane Scheppele, who contends the unit now has enough power to function “essentially” as Orbán’s “secret police”.^[223]
【参考译文】在 2022 年 4 月的选举中，由于选区划分不公和匈牙利选举规则的“其他调整”，奥尔班的 Fidesz 党赢得了 54% 的选票，但只赢得了 83% 的选区。[223] 据美国记者兼作家安德鲁·马兰茨 (Andrew Marantz) 称，奥尔班通过了法律，修改了宪法，并“耐心地削弱、非法化、掏空”了法院、大学等公民机构以及自由选举所需的机构，这些机构现在由奥尔班的忠实拥护者控制。[223] 奥尔班对公共媒体的控制使公众无法听取批评者的观点。 2022 年，奥尔班的对手在国家电视台上只有五分钟的时间“向选民陈述他的观点”。[223] ATV 和 RTL 等私人媒体为反对派成员提供了娱乐时间。欧尔班及其政党谨慎、低调地积累权力的一个例子是，他们成立了一支特别警察部队，最初只是一支小型反恐部队。这支部队“通过隐藏在无关法律中的不同条款，一点一点地发展壮大”。马兰兹援引普林斯顿大学社会学教授金·莱恩·谢佩勒的话称，这支部队现在拥有足够的权力，“基本上”可以作为欧尔班的“秘密警察”运作。[223]

Hungarian political scientist András Körösényi [hu], using Max Weber‘s classification, argues that Orbán’s rule cannot be described simply by the notions of authoritarianisation or illiberalism. He stresses out that the Orbán regime can be characterised as plebiscitary leadership democracy instead.^{[261][262][263]} In addition, extensive research has been conducted to describe the idea of a “national, sovereign, bourgeois Hungary” stated as the goal of Orbán’s rule, is in fact a “political product” of a post-communist mafia state serving to obscure massive corruption and transfers of wealth to those with the right connections.^[11][264]
【参考译文】匈牙利政治学家安德拉斯·科罗塞尼（András Körösényi）采用马克斯·韦伯的分类法，认为不能简单地用威权主义或非自由主义来描述奥尔班的统治。他强调，奥尔班政权可以被描述为全民投票领导民主。[261][262][263] 此外，大量研究表明，奥尔班统治的目标是“民族、主权、资产阶级的匈牙利”，但事实上，这是后共产主义黑手党国家的“政治产物”，目的是掩盖大规模腐败和向有关系的人转移财富的行为。[11][264]

6.3 反LGBT政策 | Anti-LGBT policies

Since his election as prime minister in 2010, Orbán has led initiatives and laws to hinder human rights of LGBT+ people, regarding such rights as “not compatible with Christian values”.
【参考译文】自 2010 年当选总理以来，奥尔班一直牵头制定举措和法律，阻碍 LGBT+ 人群的人权，认为此类权利“与基督教价值观不相容”。

In 2020, Orbán’s government ended legal recognition of transgender people, receiving criticism both in Hungary and abroad.^[265]
【参考译文】2020 年，欧尔班政府终止了对跨性别者的法律承认，受到匈牙利国内外的批评。[265]

In 2021 his party proposed new legislation to censor any “LGBT+ positive content” in movies, books or public advertisements and to severely restrict sex education in school forbidding any information thought to “encourage gender change or homosexuality”. The law has been likened to Russia’s restriction on “homosexual propaganda”.^[266] German Chancellor Angela Merkel and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen harshly criticized the law,^[267] while a letter from sixteen EU leaders including Pedro Sánchez and Mario Draghi warned against “threats against fundamental rights and in particular the principle of non-discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation”.^[268]
【参考译文】2021 年，他的政党提议制定新立法，审查电影、书籍或公共广告中的任何“LGBT+ 正面内容”，并严格限制学校的性教育，禁止任何被认为“鼓励性别改变或同性恋”的信息。这项法律被比作俄罗斯对“同性恋宣传”的限制。[266] 德国总理安格拉·默克尔和欧盟委员会主席乌尔苏拉·冯德莱恩严厉批评了这项法律，[267] 而佩德罗·桑切斯和马里奥·德拉吉等 16 位欧盟领导人在信中警告不要“威胁基本权利，特别是不因性取向而歧视的原则”。[268]

His anti-LGBT+ positions came under more scrutiny after the revelation that one of the European deputies of his party, József Szájer, had participated in a gay sex party in Brussels, despite the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic quarantine restrictions.^{[269][270][271]} Szájer was one of the major architects behind the 2011 Constitution of Hungary. This new constitution has been criticized by Human Rights Watch for being discriminatory towards the LGBT+ community.^[272][273]
【参考译文】在其政党的一名欧洲代表约瑟夫·绍耶尔（József Szájer）不顾新冠肺炎疫情隔离限制，参加了布鲁塞尔的一场同性恋派对后，他的反 LGBT+ 立场受到了更多审查。[269][270][271] 绍耶尔是 2011 年匈牙利宪法的主要起草人之一。人权观察组织批评这部新宪法歧视 LGBT+ 群体。[272][273]

To coincide with the parliamentary election in the spring of 2022, Orbán announced a four-question referendum regarding LGBTQ issues in education. It did not pass.^[274] It came after complaints from the European Union (EU) about anti-LGBTQ discriminatory laws.^[275] Human rights groups condemned the referendum as anti-LGBT rhetoric that supported discrimination.^[276][277]
【参考译文】为了配合 2022 年春季的议会选举，奥尔班宣布就教育领域的 LGBTQ 问题举行一项包含四个问题的公投。该公投未获通过。[274] 此前，欧盟 (EU) 曾抱怨反 LGBTQ 歧视性法律。[275] 人权组织谴责公投是支持歧视的反 LGBT 言论。[276][277]

On July 22, 2023, in a speech he gave in Romania, Orbán complained that the EU was conducting an “LGBTQ offensive”.^[278]
【参考译文】2023 年 7 月 22 日，欧尔班在罗马尼亚发表演讲时抱怨欧盟正在进行“LGBTQ 攻势”。[278]

6.3+1 批评与政治技巧 | Criticism and political techniques

Orbán’s critics have included domestic and foreign leaders (including former United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton,^[279] German Chancellor Angela Merkel,^[280] and the Presidents of the European Commission José Manuel Barroso,^[281] and Jean-Claude Juncker),^[282] intergovernmental organizations, and non-governmental organizations. He has been accused of pursuing anti-democratic reforms; attacking the human rights of the LGBT community; reducing the independence of Hungary’s press, judiciary and central bank; amending Hungary’s constitution to prevent amendments to Fidesz-backed legislation; and of cronyism and nepotism.^{[283][284][285]}
【参考译文】奥尔班的批评者包括国内外领导人（包括前美国国务卿希拉里·克林顿[279]、德国总理安格拉·默克尔[280]、欧盟委员会主席若泽·曼努埃尔·巴罗佐[281]和让-克洛德·容克[282]）、政府间组织和非政府组织。他被指控推行反民主改革；攻击 LGBT 群体的人权；削弱匈牙利新闻界、司法机构和中央银行的独立性；修改匈牙利宪法以防止对青民盟支持的立法进行修改；以及任人唯亲和裙带关系。[283][284][285]

Orbán was accused of pork barrel politics for building Pancho Aréna, a 4,000-seat stadium in the village in which he grew up, Felcsút, at a distance of some 6 metres (20 ft) from his country house.^[286]
【参考译文】奥尔班被指控进行政治分肥，因为他在他长大的费尔克苏特村建造了一座可容纳 4,000 个座位的潘乔竞技场，距离他的乡间别墅约 6 米（20 英尺）。[286]

6.3+1.1 经济裙带关系 | Economic cronyism

In the book The Ark of Orbán, Attila Antal wrote that the Orbán system of governance is characterized by the transformation of public money into private money, a system that has built a neo-feudal world of national capitalists, centered on the prime minister and his own family business interests. The largest share of national capitalists is the oligarchy “produced” by the system, such as István Tiborcz, who is closest to Viktor Orbán, and Lőrinc Mészáros and his family.^[287]
【参考译文】阿提拉·安塔尔在《奥尔班的方舟》一书中写道，奥尔班的治理体系的特点是将公共资金转化为私人资金，这一体系建立了一个以总理及其家族商业利益为中心的新封建国家资本家世界。国家资本家的最大份额是该体系“生产”的寡头，例如与维克托·奥尔班最亲密的伊什特万·蒂博尔茨，以及洛林茨·梅萨罗斯及其家族。[287]

A 2016 opinion piece for The New York Times by Kenneth Krushel called Orbán’s political system a kleptocracy that wipes some of the country’s wealth partly into its own pockets and partly into the pockets of people close to it.^[288]
【参考译文】肯尼斯·克鲁舍尔 (Kenneth Krushel) 在 2016 年为《纽约时报》撰写的一篇评论文章中，称欧尔班的政治制度是盗贼统治，它将国家的部分财富一部分装入自己的口袋，一部分装入与其关系密切的人的口袋。[288]

A 2017 Financial Times article compared the Hungarian elite under Orbán’s government to Russian oligarchs. The article noted that they differ in that Hungary’s “Oligarchs” under Orbán largely benefit from EU subsidies, unlike the Russian oligarchs. The article also mentioned the sudden increase in the personal wealth of Orbán’s childhood friend, Lőrinc Mészáros, thanks to winning state contracts.^[289]
【参考译文】2017 年《金融时报》的一篇文章将奥尔班政府领导下的匈牙利精英与俄罗斯寡头进行了比较。文章指出，两者的不同之处在于，奥尔班领导下的匈牙利“寡头”主要受益于欧盟补贴，而俄罗斯寡头则不然。文章还提到，奥尔班的童年好友 Lőrinc Mészáros 的个人财富因赢得国家合同而突然增加。[289]

A 2019 New York Times investigation revealed how Orbán leased plots of farm land to politically connected individuals and supporters of his and his party, thereby channeling disproportionate amounts of the EU’s agricultural subsidies Hungary receives every year into the pockets of cronies.^[290]
【参考译文】《纽约时报》 2019 年的一项调查揭露了欧尔班如何将农田租给有政治关系的个人以及他和他所在政党的支持者，从而将匈牙利每年收到的欧盟农业补贴的巨额资金转入亲信的腰包。[290]

6.3+1.2 反对欧洲一体化 | Opposition to European integration

Some opposition parties and critics also consider Orbán an opponent of European integration. In 2000, opposition parties MSZP and SZDSZ and the left-wing press presented Orbán’s comment that “there’s life outside the EU” as proof of his anti-Europeanism and sympathies with the radical right.^[291][292] In the same press conference, Orbán clarified that “It will not be a tragedy if we cannot join the EU in 2003. (…) But this is not what we are preparing for. We are trying to urge our integration [into the EU], because it may give a new push to the economy.”^[293]
【参考译文】一些反对党和批评人士也认为奥尔班是欧洲一体化的反对者。2000 年，反对党 MSZP 和 SZDSZ 以及左翼媒体将奥尔班的“欧盟之外也有生活”的评论作为他反欧洲主义和同情极右翼的证据。[291][292] 在同一场新闻发布会上，奥尔班澄清说：“如果我们不能在 2003 年加入欧盟，那将不会是一场悲剧。(…) 但这不是我们正在准备的。我们正试图推动我们 [加入欧盟] 的一体化，因为这可能会给经济带来新的推动力。”[293]

6.3+1.3 移民危机 | Migrant crisis

Hungarian-American business magnate and political activist George Soros criticized Orbán’s handling of the European migrant crisis in 2015, saying: “His plan treats the protection of national borders as the objective and the refugees as an obstacle. Our plan treats the protection of refugees as the objective and national borders as the obstacle.”^[294]
【参考译文】匈牙利裔美国商界巨头、政治活动家乔治·索罗斯批评了欧尔班对 2015 年欧洲移民危机的处理方式，他说：“他的计划把保护国家边界作为目标，而把难民视为障碍。我们的计划把保护难民作为目标，而把国家边界视为障碍。”[294]

Orbán has been criticized for engineering the 2015 European migrant crisis for his own political gain. Specifically, he has been accused of mistreating migrants within Hungary and later sending many to Western Europe in an effort to stoke far-right sympathies in Western European countries.^[295][296] During the crisis, Orbán ordered fences be put up across the Hungarian borders with Serbia and Croatia and refused to comply with the European Union’s mandatory asylum quota.^[297]
【参考译文】有人批评奥尔班为了自己的政治利益而策划了 2015 年欧洲移民危机。具体来说，他被指控在匈牙利境内虐待移民，后来又将许多移民送往西欧，以激起西欧国家对极右翼的同情。[295][296] 在危机期间，奥尔班下令在匈牙利与塞尔维亚和克罗地亚的边境上设置围栏，并拒绝遵守欧盟的强制性庇护配额。[297]

In 2015, The New York Times acknowledged that Orbán’s stance on migration is slowly becoming mainstream in European politics. Andrew Higgins interviewed Orbán’s ardent critic, György Konrád, who said that Orbán was right and Merkel was wrong concerning the handling of the migrant crisis.^[298]
【参考译文】2015 年，《纽约时报》承认，欧尔班在移民问题上的立场正逐渐成为欧洲政坛的主流。安德鲁·希金斯采访了欧尔班的激烈批评者乔治·康拉德，后者表示，在处理移民危机的问题上，欧尔班是对的，而默克尔是错的。[298]

6.3+1.4 反索罗斯主题 | Anti-Soros theme

The Orbán government began to attack George Soros and his NGOs in early 2017, particularly for his support for more open immigration. In July 2017, the Israeli ambassador in Hungary joined Jewish groups and others in denouncing a billboard campaign backed by the government. Orbán’s critics claimed it “evokes memories of the Nazi posters during the Second World War“. The ambassador stated that the campaign “evokes sad memories but also sows hatred and fear”, an apparent reference to the Holocaust. Hours later, Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a “clarification”, denouncing Soros, stating that he “continuously undermines Israel’s democratically elected governments” and funded organizations “that defame the Jewish state and seek to deny it the right to defend itself”. The clarification came a few days before an official visit to Hungary by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.^[299] The anti-Soros messages became key elements of the government’s communication and campaign since then, which, among others, also targeted the Central European University (CEU).^{[300][301][302][303]}
【参考译文】2017 年初，奥尔班政府开始攻击乔治·索罗斯及其非政府组织，尤其是因为他支持更开放的移民政策。2017 年 7 月，以色列驻匈牙利大使与犹太团体和其他组织一起谴责政府支持的广告牌运动。奥尔班的批评者声称，该运动“唤起了人们对二战期间纳粹海报的回忆”。大使表示，该运动“唤起了悲伤的回忆，但也播下了仇恨和恐惧”，显然是指大屠杀。数小时后，以色列外交部发布了一份“澄清”，谴责索罗斯，称他“不断破坏以色列的民选政府”，并资助“诽谤犹太国家并试图剥夺其自卫权”的组织。这份澄清是在以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡正式访问匈牙利前几天做出的。[299]此后，反索罗斯的信息成为政府沟通和宣传的关键要素，其中还包括针对中欧大学 (CEU)。[300][301][302][303]

Journalist Andrew Marantz argues that whether or not Soros was doing any actual harm to Hungary or conservative values, it was important to have a face to attack in a political campaign rather than abstract ideas like “globalism, multiculturalism, bureaucracy in Brussels”; and that this was a strategy explained to Orbán by political consultant Arthur J. Finkelstein.^[223]
【参考译文】记者安德鲁·马兰茨认为，无论索罗斯是否对匈牙利或保守价值观造成了任何实际伤害，在政治运动中，重要的是要有攻击的面孔，而不是攻击“全球主义、多元文化主义、布鲁塞尔的官僚主义”等抽象的概念；这是政治顾问亚瑟·J·芬克尔斯坦向欧尔班解释的策略。[223]

6.3+1.5 反犹太主义指控 | Accusations of antisemitism

Orbán has been frequently accused of antisemitism, particularly for promoting conspiracy theories about the Jewish philanthropist George Soros.^[304][305] In 2022 he was condemned by the International Auschwitz Committee for comments in which he criticised mixing “with non-Europeans”. The Committee called on the EU to continue to distance itself from “Orbán’s racist undertones and to make it clear to the world that a Mr. Orbán has no future in Europe”.^[306] Others have rejected the claim that he is antisemitic, arguing that his founding of the Holocaust Memorial Center and Memorial Day for the Hungarian Victims of the Holocaust are evidence of this.^[307][308] He has also been accused of rehabilitating antisemitic Hungarian historical figures and of exploiting antisemitism.^{[309][310][311]}
【参考译文】奥尔班经常被指控反犹太主义，尤其是因为他宣传有关犹太慈善家乔治·索罗斯的阴谋论。[304][305] 2022 年，他因批评“与非欧洲人”混居的言论而受到国际奥斯维辛委员会的谴责。委员会呼吁欧盟继续与“奥尔班的种族主义言辞保持距离，并向世界表明，奥尔班先生在欧洲没有未来”。[306] 其他人则否认他是反犹太主义者的说法，认为他创立大屠杀纪念中心和匈牙利大屠杀受害者纪念日就是证据。[307][308] 他还被指控为反犹太主义的匈牙利历史人物恢复名誉，并利用反犹太主义。[309][310][311]

6.3+1.6 收复主义和本土主义 | Irredentism and nativism

Main article: Hungarian irredentism【主条目：匈牙利收复主义】

Orban’s policy positions have been reported to lean towards irredentism and nativism.^[312][313] He has overseen the transfer of hundreds of millions of Hungarian taxpayer money for the preservation of Hungarian language and monuments and institutions of the Hungarian diaspora, particularly in Romania, irking the Romanian government.^[314]
【参考译文】据报道，奥尔班的政策立场倾向于收复主义和本土主义。[312][313] 他监督转移了数亿匈牙利纳税人的钱，用于保护匈牙利语言以及匈牙利侨民的纪念碑和机构，特别是在罗马尼亚，这让罗马尼亚政府很恼火。[314]

6.3+1.7 对混血的表态 | Mixed-race statement

In a speech delivered to the 31st Bálványos Free Summer University and Student Camp in July 2022, Orbán expressed views that were later described as “a pure Nazi text” that was “worthy of Goebbels” by one of his senior advisers, Zsuzsa Hegedűs, in her letter of resignation.^[17][315] In the speech, Orbán stated that “Migration has split Europe in two – or I could say that it has split the West in two. One half is a world where European and non-European peoples live together. These countries are no longer nations: they are nothing more than a conglomeration of peoples” and “we are willing to mix with one another, but we do not want to become peoples of mixed-race”.^[316] The speech drew condemnation from both the Romanian foreign ministry and other European leaders.^[16] Two days later, in Wien, Orbán made it clear, he was talking about cultures and not about race. Zsuzsa Hegedüs later, in a letter to Orbán expressed that she is proud of him, and he can count on her like he could in the past 20 years.^[317][18]
【参考译文】2022 年 7 月，在第 31 届 Bálványos 自由暑期大学和学生营发表演讲时，欧尔班表达的观点后来被他的一位高级顾问 Zsuzsa Hegedűs 在辞职信中描述为“纯粹的纳粹文本”，“堪比戈培尔”。[17][315] 欧尔班在演讲中表示：“移民将欧洲一分为二——或者我可以说它将西方一分为二。一半是欧洲和非欧洲人民共同生活的世界。这些国家不再是国家：它们只不过是人民的集合体”，“我们愿意相互融合，但我们不想成为混血民族”。[316] 这次讲话引起了罗马尼亚外交部和其他欧洲领导人的谴责。[16] 两天后，在维也纳，欧尔班明确表示，他在谈论的是文化，而不是种族。后来，祖莎·赫格杜斯（Zsuzsa Hegedüs）在给欧尔班的一封信中表示，她为他感到骄傲，他可以像过去 20 年一样信赖她。[317][18]

Later that month, he touched on this criticism in a speech at the CPAC opening in Dallas, saying that “a Christian politician cannot be racist” and calling his critics “simply idiots”.^{[318][226][319]} He also attacked billionaire George Soros, former United States President Barack Obama, “globalists“, and the United States’ Democratic Party.^[318]
【参考译文】当月晚些时候，他在达拉斯 CPAC 开幕式上的演讲中谈到了这些批评，他说“基督徒政治家不能是种族主义者”，并称批评他的人“简直是白痴”。[318][226][319] 他还攻击亿万富翁乔治·索罗斯、美国前总统贝拉克·奥巴马、“全球主义者”和美国民主党。[318]

7. 个人生活 | Personal life

Orbán married jurist Anikó Lévai in 1986, they have five children.^[320] Their eldest daughter, Ráhel, is married to entrepreneur István Tiborcz [hu], whose company, Elios, was accused of receiving unfair advantages when winning public tenders.^[321] (see Elios case [hu]) Orbán’s son, Gáspár, is a retired footballer, who played for Ferenc Puskás Football Academy in 2014.^{[322][better source needed]} Gáspár is also one of the founders of a religious community called Felház.^[323] Orbán has three younger daughters (Sára, Róza, Flóra) and three granddaughters (Ráhel’s children Aliz and Anna Adél; Sára’s daughter Johanna).^{[citation needed]}
【参考译文】欧尔班在1986年与法律学者安妮科·莱瓦伊结婚，他们共有五个孩子。他们的长女拉海尔嫁给了企业家伊斯特万·蒂博尔茨，他的公司Elios被指控在赢得公共招标时获得了不公平的优势。（参见Elios案）欧尔班的儿子加斯帕尔是一名退役足球运动员，曾在2014年为弗伦茨·普斯卡什足球学院效力。加斯帕尔也是名为Felház的宗教团体的创始人之一。欧尔班还有三个较小的女儿（萨拉、罗扎、弗洛拉）和三个孙女（拉海尔的孩子阿利兹和安娜·阿德；萨拉的女儿乔汉娜）。

Orbán is a member of the Calvinist-oriented Hungarian Reformed Church, while his wife and their five children were raised Catholic.^[324] His son Gáspár Orbán converted in 2014 to the Faith Church, a Pentecostal denomination, and is currently a minister. He has claimed to have heard from God and to have witnessed miraculous healings.^[325]
【参考译文】欧尔班是加尔文主义导向的匈牙利改革教会的成员，而他的妻子和他们的五个孩子则是在天主教的环境中成长的。他的儿子加斯帕尔·欧尔班在2014年改信了信义会，这是一个五旬节派的教派，并且目前是一名牧师。他声称自己曾听到上帝的声音，并见证了奇迹般的治愈。

7.1 对足球的兴趣 | Football interests

Orbán has played football from his early childhood. He was a professional player with FC Felcsút.^[326] After ending his football career, he became one of the main financiers of the Hungarian football and his hometown’s club, Felcsút FC, later renamed the Ferenc Puskás Football Academy.^[327][328] He had a prominent role in the foundation of Puskás Akadémia in Felcsút.^[329]
【参考译文】欧尔班是加尔文主义导向的匈牙利改革教会的成员，而他的妻子和他们的五个孩子则是在天主教的环境中成长的。他的儿子加斯帕尔·欧尔班在2014年改信了信义会，这是一个五旬节派的教派，并且目前是一名牧师。他声称自己曾听到上帝的声音，并见证了奇迹般的治愈。

He played an important role in establishing the annually organised international youth cup, the Puskás Cup, at Pancho Aréna, which he also helped build,^[330][289] in his hometown of Felcsút. His only son, Gáspár, learned and trained there.^[331]
【参考译文】他在他的家乡Felcsút建立了每年一度的国际青少年杯赛——普斯卡什杯中扮演了重要角色，比赛在Pancho Aréna举行，而这个场馆的建设他也提供了帮助。他的独子加斯帕尔在那里学习和训练。

Orbán is said to watch as many as six games a day. His first trip abroad as prime minister in 1998 was to the World Cup final in Paris; according to inside sources, he has not missed a World Cup or Champions League final since.^[326]
【参考译文】据说欧尔班每天会观看多至六场的比赛。他在1998年作为总理的首次国外行程是前往巴黎观看世界杯决赛；根据内部消息来源，从那时起他未曾错过任何一届世界杯或欧洲冠军联赛的决赛。

Then FIFA President Sepp Blatter visited the facilities at the Puskás Academy in 2009. Blatter, together with the widow of Ferenc Puskás, as well as Orbán, founder of the academy, announced the creation of the new FIFA Puskás Award during that visit.^[332] He played the minor role of a footballer in the Hungarian family film Szegény Dzsoni és Árnika (1983).^[333]
【参考译文】当时的国际足联主席塞普·布拉特在2009年访问了普斯卡什学院的设施。在这次访问期间，布拉特与弗伦茨·普斯卡什的遗孀以及学院的创始人欧尔班一起宣布了新的FIFA普斯卡什奖的设立。

8. 获奖和荣誉 | Awards and honors

8.1 本国 | Domestic

• Hungary:【匈牙利】
  • Grand Cross of the Hungarian Order of Merit (2001)
    【参考译文】匈牙利功绩勋章大十字级（2001年）

8.2 外国 | Foreign

• Bosnia and Herzegovina (Republika Srpska):【波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那（塞族共和国）】
  • Order of the Republika Srpska (2024)^[334]【塞族共和国勋章（2024年）[334]】
• France:【法国】
  • Grand Cross of the National Order of Merit (2001)^[335][336]【国家大十字功绩勋章（2001年）[335][336]】
• Kazakhstan:【哈萨克斯坦】
  • First Class of the Order of Friendship (2023)^[337]【一级友谊勋章（2023年）[337]】
• Lithuania:【立陶宛】
  • Commander’s Grand Cross of the Order of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Gediminas (2009)^[338]【立陶宛大公格迪米纳斯勋章司令大十字勋章 (2009)[338]】
• North Macedonia:【北马其顿】
  • Order 8-September (2013)^[339]
• Serbia:【塞尔维亚】
  • First Class of the Order of the Republic of Serbia (2022)^[340]【塞尔维亚共和国一级勋章（2022年）[340]】
• Vatican:【梵蒂冈】
  • Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St. Gregory the Great (2004)^[335]【圣格雷戈里大十字勋章 (2004)[335]】

8.2 宗教上的 | Confessional

• Holy Cross Medal of Gratitude (Armenian Catholic Church, 2022)^[341]
  【圣十字感恩勋章（亚美尼亚天主教会，2022年）[341]】
• First Class of the Order of Glory and Honor [ru] (Russian Orthodox Church, 2023)^[342]
  【一级荣耀荣誉勋章 [ru]（俄罗斯东正教，2023年）[342]】
• First Class of the Order of St. Sava (Serbian Orthodox Church, 2022)^[343]
  【圣萨瓦勋章一级 (塞尔维亚东正教，2022年)[343]】

8.3 其他荣誉 | Other honors

• Honorary senator of the European Academy of Sciences and Arts (2000)^[344]
  【欧洲科学与艺术学院名誉参议员（2000年）[344]】
• Freedom Award by the American Enterprise Institute (2001)^[344][345]
  【美国企业研究所自由奖（2001 年）[344][345]】
• Franz Josef Strauss Prize from the Hanns Seidel Foundation (2001)^[335]
  【汉斯·赛德尔基金会颁发的弗朗茨·约瑟夫·施特劳斯奖（2001年）[335]】
• Polak Award established by the Maria Polak Foundation (2001)^[335]
  【玛丽亚波拉克基金会设立的波拉克奖（2001年）[335]】
• Prize for the Social Market Economy by the German Club of Economics (2002)^[335]
  【德国经济学俱乐部社会市场经济奖（2002年）[335]】
• Honorary Citizen of Szék, Hungary (2002)
  【匈牙利塞克荣誉公民 (2002)】
• Saint Stephen Award [hu] (2002)^[346]
  【圣斯蒂芬奖 [hu]（2002）[346]】
• László Tőkés Award [hu] by the László Tőkés Foundation [hu] (2003)^[347]
  【拉斯洛·托克斯基金会颁发的拉斯洛·托克斯奖 [hu] [hu]（2003 年）[347]】
• Honorary Citizen of Esztergom, Hungary, twice (2006, 2009)^[348]
  【两次荣获匈牙利埃斯泰尔戈姆荣誉公民（2006年、2009年）[348]】
• Gold Medal of the Foundation of European Merit (2004)^[344]
  【欧洲功绩基金会金质奖章（2004年）[344]】
• World No Tobacco Day Award by the World Health Organization (2013)^[349]
  【世界卫生组织世界无烟日奖（2013 年）[349]】
• Title ‘Man of the Year 2013’ by Polish magazine Gazeta Polska (2014)^[350]
  【被波兰杂志 Gazeta Polska 评为“2013 年度人物”（2014 年）[350]】
• ‘The 28 People From 28 Countries Who Are Shaping, Shaking And Stirring Europe: Class Of 2016’ by magazine Politico Europe^[351]
  【《政治欧洲》杂志评选出“来自 28 个国家、正在塑造、撼动和搅动欧洲的 28 人：2016 年度人物”[351]】
• Title ‘Man of the Year 2015’at the Economic Forum in Poland (2016)^[352]
  【荣获波兰经济论坛“2015 年度人物”称号（2016 年）[352]】
• FINA Order of Merit (2017)^[353]
  【国际泳联奖金榜（2017）[353]】
• Golden Order of the Azeri international magazine My Azerbaijan (2022)^[354]
  【阿塞拜疆国际杂志《我的阿塞拜疆》金质勋章（2022 年）[354]】

8.4 荣誉博士学位 | Honorary doctorates

• Tufts University (United States, 2002)^[355]
• Josai University (Japan, 2013)^[356]
• Marmara University (Turkey, 2013)^[357]

---

参见、参考文献、外部链接

请点击这里访问（辽观网站）