极右翼 / Far-right politics -（全文）中英文维基百科词条融合

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0. 导言

辽观注：此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

极右派（英语：Far-right politics），又称极右翼，是指其政治立场位于政治光谱最右端的人士或组织。“极右”也常被许多政治评论家用来描述一些难以归入传统右派的政治团体、运动和政党。^[1]促进和持有极端保守主义、极端民族主义和威权主义的立场或言论的运动或政党也被描述为极右翼。 ^[2]

Historically, “far-right politics” has been used to describe the experiences of fascism, Nazism, and Falangism. Contemporary definitions now include neo-fascism, neo-Nazism, the Third Position, the alt-right, racial supremacism and other ideologies or organizations that feature aspects of authoritarian, ultra-nationalist, chauvinist, xenophobic, theocratic, racist, sexist, homophobic, transphobic, or reactionary views.^[2]
【参考译文】历史上，“极右政治”曾被用来描述法西斯主义、纳粹主义和长枪党主义的经历。当代定义现在还包括新法西斯主义、新纳粹主义、第三位置主义、另类右翼、种族至上主义以及其他具有权威主义、极端民族主义、沙文主义、仇外心理、神权政治、种族主义、性别歧视、恐同、跨性别恐惧或反动观点等特点的意识形态或组织。[2]

一些学者使用“极端右派”（Extreme Right）或“偏激右派”（Ultra Right）来讨论位于传统选举政治范围以外的右派政治团体，通常有革命右派份子、好战的种族至上主义者和宗教极端主义者、新法西斯主义者、新纳粹主义者和三K党员等。在这种用法中，该名词与不好战的极右派或右派民粹主义者等其他形式的极右派有所区别。^[1][3]

倾向改革的右派运动或保守派政党中的右翼派系，他们常被称为“不同政见的右派”（Dissident Right）、“行动主义右派”（Activist Right）或“右翼民粹主义”（Right-wing Populism）。他们的立场介于传统保守派和极端右派之间。这些人士位于主流选举政治之外，但他们一般是发起改革运动，而非革命。一些被认为的“极右派”的政党则是因为与原主流中间偏右保守主义政党意见不合，认为他们的政策和理念已偏离原来的右派路线，如英国独立党。

Far-right politics have led to oppression, political violence, forced assimilation, ethnic cleansing, and genocide against groups of people based on their supposed inferiority or their perceived threat to the native ethnic group, nation, state, national religion, dominant culture, or conservative social institutions.^[3]
【参考译文】极右政治导致了针对某些群体的压迫、政治暴力、强制同化、种族清洗和种族灭绝，这些行为基于对这些群体所谓的低劣性或他们对本土族群、国家、民族、国家宗教、主流文化或保守社会制度构成的威胁的认知。[3]

新法西斯主义者与新纳粹主义者时常被视为“极右派”或“偏激右派”。这些团体通常具有反革命性质。新法西斯和新纳粹也意指他们来自二战之后的时代。

由于这些分类尚未普遍被接受，以及还有其他的用法存在，因此让“极右派”的用法较为复杂。

1. 概况 | Overview

1.1 概念与世界观 | Concept and worldview

According to scholars Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, the core of the far right’s worldview is organicism, the idea that society functions as a complete, organized and homogeneous living being. Adapted to the community they wish to constitute or reconstitute (whether based on ethnicity, nationality, religion or race), the concept leads them to reject every form of universalism in favor of autophilia and alterophobia, or in other words the idealization of a “we” excluding a “they”.^[4] The far right tends to absolutize differences between nations, races, individuals or cultures since they disrupt their efforts towards the utopian dream of the “closed” and naturally organized society, perceived as the condition to ensure the rebirth of a community finally reconnected to its quasi-eternal nature and re-established on firm metaphysical foundations.^[5][6]
【参考译文】根据学者让-伊夫·加缪和尼古拉斯·勒布尔的说法，极右翼世界观的核心是有机论，即社会作为一个完整、有组织、同质的生物体而运作。根据他们希望建立或重建的社区（无论是基于种族、国籍、宗教还是种族），这一概念使他们拒绝一切形式的普遍主义，转而支持自恋和异化恐惧症，换句话说，理想化“我们”而排除“他们”。[4] 极右翼倾向于将国家、种族、个人或文化之间的差异绝对化，因为这会破坏他们实现“封闭”和自然组织社会的乌托邦梦想的努力，而乌托邦梦想被视为确保社区重生的条件，最终重新与其准永恒性质联系起来，并在坚实的形而上学基础上重建。[5][6]

As they view their community in a state of decay facilitated by the ruling elites, far-right members portray themselves as a natural, sane and alternative elite, with the redemptive mission of saving society from its promised doom. They reject both their national political system and the global geopolitical order (including their institutions and values, e.g. political liberalism and egalitarian humanism) which are presented as needing to be abandoned or purged of their impurities, so that the “redemptive community” can eventually leave the current phase of liminal crisis to usher in the new era.^[4][6] The community itself is idealized through great archetypal figures (the Golden Age, the savior, decadence and global conspiracy theories) as they glorify non-rationalistic and non-materialistic values such as the youth or the cult of the dead.^[4]
【参考译文】极右翼成员认为，他们的社区正处于统治精英的腐朽状态，因此将自己描绘成一个自然、理智和另类的精英，肩负着拯救社会免于毁灭的救赎使命。他们拒绝接受国家政治制度和全球地缘政治秩序（包括他们的制度和价值观，例如政治自由主义和平等人文主义），认为这些制度和价值观需要被抛弃或清除其中的杂质，以便“救赎社区”最终能够摆脱当前的危机阶段，迎来新时代。[4][6] 社区本身通过伟大的原型人物（黄金时代、救世主、颓废和全球阴谋论）被理想化，因为他们美化了非理性主义和非物质主义的价值观，例如青春或死者崇拜。[4]

Political scientist Cas Mudde argues that the far right can be viewed as a combination of four broadly defined concepts, namely exclusivism (e.g. racism, xenophobia, ethnocentrism, ethnopluralism, chauvinism, including welfare chauvinism), anti-democratic and non-individualist traits (e.g. cult of personality, hierarchism, monism, populism, anti-particracy, an organicist view of the state), a traditionalist value system lamenting the disappearance of historic frames of reference (e.g. law and order, the family, the ethnic, linguistic and religious community and nation as well as the natural environment^[7]) and a socioeconomic program associating corporatism, state control of certain sectors, agrarianism, and a varying degree of belief in the free play of socially Darwinistic market forces. Mudde then proposes a subdivision of the far-right nebula into moderate and radical leanings, according to their degree of exclusionism and essentialism.^[8][9]
【参考译文】政治学家卡斯·穆德认为，极右翼可以看作是四个广义概念的结合，即排他主义（例如种族主义、仇外心理、民族中心主义、民族多元主义、沙文主义，包括福利沙文主义）、反民主和非个人主义特征（例如个人崇拜、等级制度、一元论、民粹主义、反政党政治、有机主义的国家观）、哀叹历史参照框架消失的传统主义价值体系（例如法律和秩序、家庭、民族、语言和宗教社区和国家以及自然环境[7]）和将社团主义、国家对某些部门的控制、农业主义和不同程度地相信社会达尔文主义市场力量的自由发挥联系起来的社会经济计划。随后，穆德根据排他主义和本质主义的程度，将极右翼星云细分为温和派和激进派。[8][9]

1.2 定义与比较分析 | Definition and comparative analysis

The Encyclopedia of Politics: The Left and the Right states that far-right politics include “persons or groups who hold extreme nationalist, xenophobic, homophobic, racist, religious fundamentalist, or other reactionary views.” While the term far right is typically applied to fascists and neo-Nazis, it has also been used to refer to those to the right of mainstream right-wing politics.^[10]
【参考译文】《政治百科全书：左翼与右翼》指出，极右翼政治包括“持有极端民族主义、仇外主义、恐同主义、种族主义、宗教原教旨主义或其他反动观点的个人或团体”。虽然极右翼一词通常适用于法西斯分子和新纳粹分子，但它也被用来指代主流右翼政治的右侧人士。[10]

According to political scientist Lubomír Kopeček, “[t]he best working definition of the contemporary far right may be the four-element combination of nationalism, xenophobia, law and order, and welfare chauvinism proposed for the Western European environment by Cas Mudde.”^[11] Relying on those concepts, far-right politics includes yet is not limited to aspects of authoritarianism, anti-communism^[11] and nativism.^[12] Claims that superior people should have greater rights than inferior people are often associated with the far right, as they have historically favored a social Darwinistic or elitist hierarchy based on the belief in the legitimacy of the rule of a supposed superior minority over the inferior masses.^[13] Regarding the socio-cultural dimension of nationality, culture and migration, one far-right position is the view that certain ethnic, racial or religious groups should stay separate, based on the belief that the interests of one’s own group should be prioritized.^[14]
【参考译文】政治学家卢博米尔·科佩切克认为，“当代极右翼的最佳定义可能是卡斯·穆德为西欧环境提出的民族主义、仇外心理、法律和秩序以及福利沙文主义四要素组合”。[11] 依据这些概念，极右翼政治包括但不限于威权主义、反共产主义[11] 和本土主义[12] 等方面。极右翼经常声称优等生应该比劣等生享有更大的权利，因为他们历来主张社会达尔文主义或精英主义等级制度，这种等级制度基于对所谓优等少数群体统治劣等大众的合法性的信仰。[13] 关于国籍、文化和移民的社会文化维度，极右翼的一种立场是，某些族裔、种族或宗教群体应该保持独立，因为他们相信应该优先考虑自己群体的利益。[14]

In western Europe, far right parties have been associated with anti-immigrant policies, as well as opposition to globalism and European integration. They often make nationalist and xenophobic appeals which make allusions to ethnic nationalism rather than civic nationalism (or liberal nationalism). Some have at their core illiberal policies such as removing checks on executive authority, and protections for minorities from majority (multipluralism). In the 1990s, the “winning formula” was often to attract anti-immigrant blue collar workers and white collar workers who wanted less state intervention in the economy, but in the 2000s, this switched to welfare chauvinism.^[15]
【参考译文】在西欧，极右翼政党一直与反移民政策以及反对全球化和欧洲一体化有关。他们经常发表民族主义和仇外主义的呼吁，这些呼吁暗指民族主义而非公民民族主义（或自由民族主义）。有些政党的核心政策是非自由主义，例如取消对行政权力的制约，以及保护少数群体免受多数群体的侵害（多元主义）。在 1990 年代，“制胜法宝”通常是吸引反移民的蓝领工人和白领工人，他们希望国家减少对经济的干预，但在 2000 年代，这转向了福利沙文主义。[15]

In comparing the Western European and post-Communist Central European far-right, Kopeček writes that “[t]he Central European far right was also typified by a strong anti-Communism, much more markedly than in Western Europe”, allowing for “a basic ideological classification within a unified party family, despite the heterogeneity of the far right parties.” Kopeček concludes that a comparison of Central European far-right parties with those of Western Europe shows that “these four elements are present in Central Europe as well, though in a somewhat modified form, despite differing political, economic, and social influences.”^[11] In the American and more general Anglo-Saxon environment, the most common term is “radical right“, which has a broader meaning than the European radical right.^[16][11] Mudde defines the American radical right as an “old school of nativism, populism, and hostility to central government [which] was said to have developed into the post-World War II combination of ultranationalism and anti-communism, Christian fundamentalism, militaristic orientation, and anti-alien sentiment.”^[16]
【参考译文】在比较西欧和后共产主义中欧极右翼时，科佩切克写道：“中欧极右翼也具有强烈的反共产主义特征，比西欧更为明显”，允许“在统一的政党家族中，尽管极右翼政党之间存在异质性，但存在基本的意识形态分类。” 科佩切克的结论是，将中欧极右翼政党与西欧极右翼政党进行比较，可以发现“这四个要素在中欧也存在，尽管形式略有修改，但政治、经济和社会影响不同。”[11] 在美国和更广泛的盎格鲁-撒克逊环境中，最常见的术语是“激进右翼”，其含义比欧洲激进右翼更广泛。[16][11]穆德将美国激进右翼定义为“本土主义、民粹主义和对中央政府的敌意的老派，据说在二战后发展成为极端民族主义和反共产主义、基督教原教旨主义、军国主义倾向和反外星人情绪的结合。”[16]

Jodi Dean argues that “the rise of far-right anti-communism in many parts of the world” should be interpreted “as a politics of fear, which utilizes the disaffection and anger generated by capitalism. […] Partisans of far right-wing organizations, in turn, use anti-communism to challenge every political current which is not embedded in a clearly exposed nationalist and racist agenda. For them, both the USSR and the European Union, leftist liberals, ecologists, and supranational corporations – all of these may be called ‘communist’ for the sake of their expediency.”^[17]
【参考译文】乔迪·迪恩认为，“世界许多地方极右翼反共产主义的兴起”应该被解读为“一种恐惧政治，它利用了资本主义引发的不满和愤怒。[…] 极右翼组织的支持者则利用反共产主义来挑战每一种没有明确民族主义和种族主义议程的政治潮流。对他们来说，无论是苏联还是欧盟、左翼自由主义者、生态学家还是超国家公司——所有这些都可以为了方便而被称为‘共产主义’。”[17]

In Hate in the Homeland: The New Global Far Right, Cynthia Miller-Idriss examines the far-right as a global movement and representing a cluster of overlapping “antidemocratic, antiegalitarian, white supremacist” beliefs that are “embedded in solutions like authoritarianism, ethnic cleansing or ethnic migration, and the establishment of separate ethno-states or enclaves along racial and ethnic lines”.^[18]
【参考译文】在《祖国的仇恨：新的全球极右翼》一书中，辛西娅·米勒-伊德里斯将极右翼视为一场全球运动，代表了一组相互重叠的“反民主、反平等、白人至上主义”信仰，这些信仰“根植于独裁主义、种族清洗或族裔迁移等解决方案，以及建立沿着种族和族裔界限的独立民族国家或飞地”。[18]

2. 现代争论 | Modern debates

2.1 术语 | Terminology

According to Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, the modern ambiguities in the definition of far-right politics lie in the fact that the concept is generally used by political adversaries to “disqualify and stigmatize all forms of partisan nationalism by reducing them to the historical experiments of Italian Fascism [and] German National Socialism.”^[19] Mudde agrees and notes that “the term is not only used for scientific purposes but also for political purposes. Several authors define right-wing extremism as a sort of anti-thesis against their own beliefs.”^[20] While the existence of such a political position is widely accepted among scholars, figures associated with the far-right rarely accept this denomination, preferring terms like “national movement” or “national right”.^[19] There is also debate about how appropriate the labels neo-fascist or neo-Nazi are. In the words of Mudde, “the labels Neo-Nazi and to a lesser extent neo-Fascism are now used exclusively for parties and groups that explicitly state a desire to restore the Third Reich or quote historical National Socialism as their ideological influence.”^[21]
【参考译文】根据让-伊夫·加缪 (Jean-Yves Camus) 和尼古拉斯·勒布尔 (Nicolas Lebourg) 的说法，现代极右翼政治定义中的模糊性在于，这一概念通常被政治对手用来“将所有形式的党派民族主义贬低为意大利法西斯主义和德国国家社会主义的历史实验，从而否定和污蔑它们”。[19] 穆德表示同意，并指出“该术语不仅用于科学目的，也用于政治目的。一些作者将右翼极端主义定义为与他们自己信仰相反的一种观点。”[20] 虽然学者们普遍接受这种政治立场的存在，但与极右翼有关的人物很少接受这一称呼，他们更喜欢使用“民族运动”或“民族右翼”等术语。[19] 关于新法西斯主义者或新纳粹分子的标签是否合适也存在争议。用穆德的话来说，“新纳粹主义和程度较小的新法西斯主义的标签，现在专门用于那些明确表示希望恢复第三帝国，或引用历史上的国家社会主义作为其意识形态影响的政党和团体。”[21]

One issue is whether parties should be labelled radical or extreme, a distinction that is made by the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany when determining whether or not a party should be banned.^{[nb 1]} Within the broader family of the far right, the extreme right is revolutionary, opposing popular sovereignty and majority rule, and sometimes supporting violence, whereas the radical right is reformist, accepting free elections, but opposing fundamental elements of liberal democracy such as minority rights, rule of law, or separation of powers.^[22]
【参考译文】一个问题是，政党是否应被贴上激进或极端的标签，这是德国联邦宪法法院在决定是否应禁止某个政党时所作的区分。[注、nb 1] 在极右翼的大家庭中，极右翼是革命性的，反对人民主权和多数人统治，有时支持暴力；而激进右翼是改革派，接受自由选举，但反对自由民主的基本要素，如少数人权利、法治或三权分立。[22]

【nb1 注释】Mudde 2002, p. 12: “Simply stated, the difference between radicalism and extremism is that the former is verfassungswidrig (opposed to the constitution), whereas the latter is verfassungsfeindlich (hostile towards the constitution). This difference is of the utmost practical importance for the political parties involved, as extremist parties are extensively watched by the (federal and state) Verfassungsschutz and can even be banned, whereas radical parties are free from this control.”
【参考译文】Mudde 2002，第 12 页：“简单地说，激进主义和极端主义的区别在于，前者是 verfassungswidrig（反对宪法），而后者是 verfassungsfeindlich（敌视宪法）。这一区别对于相关政党而言具有极为重要的实际意义，因为极端主义政党受到（联邦和州）宪法保卫局的严格监视，甚至可能被取缔，而激进政党则不受这种控制。”

After a survey of the academic literature, Mudde concluded in 2002 that the terms “right-wing extremism”, “right-wing populism“, “national populism”, or “neo-populism” were often used as synonyms by scholars (or, nonetheless, terms with “striking similarities”), except notably among a few authors studying the extremist-theoretical tradition.^{[nb 2]}
【参考译文】在对学术文献进行调查后，穆德于 2002 年得出结论，“右翼极端主义”、“右翼民粹主义”、“民族民粹主义”或“新民​​粹主义”这些术语经常被学者用作同义词（或具有“惊人相似性”的术语），但研究极端主义理论传统的少数作者除外。[nb 2]

【nb 2注释】Mudde 2002, p. 13: “All in all, most definitions of (whatever) populism do not differ that much in content from the definitions of right-wing extremism. […] When the whole range of different terms and definitions used in the field is surveyed, there are striking similarities, with the various terms often being used synonymously and without any clear intention. Only a few authors, most notably those working within the extremist-theoretical tradition, clearly distinguish between the various terms.”
【参考译文】Mudde 2002，第 13 页：“总而言之，大多数民粹主义的定义在内容上与右翼极端主义的定义并没有太大区别。[…] 当对该领域使用的各种不同术语和定义进行调查时，会发现惊人的相似之处，各种术语经常被同义使用，没有任何明确的意图。只有少数作者，尤其是那些在极端主义理论传统中工作的作者，清楚地区分了各种术语。”

2.2 与右翼的关系 | Relation to right-wing politics

Italian philosopher and political scientist Norberto Bobbio argues that attitudes towards equality are primarily what distinguish left-wing politics from right-wing politics on the political spectrum:^[23] “the left considers the key inequalities between people to be artificial and negative, which should be overcome by an active state, whereas the right believes that inequalities between people are natural and positive, and should be either defended or left alone by the state.”^[24]
【参考译文】意大利哲学家、政治学家诺贝托·博比奥 (Norberto Bobbio) 认为，对平等的态度是政治光谱上左翼政治与右翼政治的主要区别：[23]“左翼认为人与人之间主要的不平等是人为的、消极的，应由积极的国家来克服；而右翼则认为人与人之间的不平等是自然的、积极的，国家应该予以捍卫或放任不管。”[24]

Aspects of far-right ideology can be identified in the agenda of some contemporary right-wing parties: in particular, the idea that superior persons should dominate society while undesirable elements should be purged, which in extreme cases has resulted in genocides.^[25] Charles Grant, director of the Centre for European Reform in London, distinguishes between fascism and right-wing nationalist parties which are often described as far right such as the National Front in France.^[26] Mudde notes that the most successful European far-right parties in 2019 were “former mainstream right-wing parties that have turned into populist radical right ones.”^[27] According to historian Mark Sedgwick, “[t]here is no general agreement as to where the mainstream ends and the extreme starts, and if there ever had been agreement on this, the recent shift in the mainstream would challenge it.”^[28]
【参考译文】一些当代右翼政党的议程中可以看到极右翼意识形态的某些方面：特别是优越者应该统治社会，而不良分子应该被清除的想法，在极端情况下，这种想法导致了种族灭绝。[25] 伦敦欧洲改革中心主任查尔斯·格兰特 (Charles Grant) 将法西斯主义与右翼民族主义政党区分开来，后者通常被描述为极右翼，例如法国国民阵线。[26] 穆德指出，2019 年最成功的欧洲极右翼政党是“前主流右翼政党，现已转变为民粹主义极右翼政党”。[27] 根据历史学家马克·塞奇威克 (Mark Sedgwick) 的说法，“对于主流在哪里结束、极端在哪里开始，并没有普遍的共识，如果曾经就此达成过共识，那么最近主流的转变将对其提出挑战。”[28]

Proponents of the horseshoe theory interpretation of the left–right political spectrum identify the far left and the far right as having more in common with each other as extremists than each of them has with centrists or moderates.^[29] This theory has received criticism,^[30][31][32] including the argument that it has been centrists who have supported far-right and fascist regimes over socialist ones.^[33]
【参考译文】马蹄铁理论对左右翼政治光谱的解释是，支持这一理论的人认为，极左翼和极右翼作为极端主义者，彼此之间的共同点比他们与中间派或温和派之间的共同点更多。[29] 这一理论受到了批评，[30][31][32] 包括有观点认为，中间派支持极右翼和法西斯政权，而非社会主义政权。[33]

Nature of support

Jens Rydgren describes a number of theories as to why individuals support far-right political parties and the academic literature on this topic distinguishes between demand-side theories that have changed the “interests, emotions, attitudes and preferences of voters” and supply-side theories which focus on the programmes of parties, their organization and the opportunity structures within individual political systems.^[34] The most common demand-side theories are the social breakdown thesis, the relative deprivation thesis, the modernization losers thesis and the ethnic competition thesis.^[35]
【参考译文】延斯·吕德格伦 (Jens Rydgren) 介绍了多种理论来解释个人为何支持极右翼政党，有关该主题的学术文献将需求方理论与供给方理论区分开来。需求方理论改变了“选民的利益、情感、态度和偏好”，而供给方理论则关注政党的纲领、组织和各个政治体系中的机会结构。[34] 最常见的需求方理论是社会崩溃论、相对剥夺论、现代化失败者论和种族竞争论。[35]

The rise of far-right parties has also been viewed as a rejection of post-materialist values on the part of some voters. This theory which is known as the reverse post-material thesis blames both left-wing and progressive parties for embracing a post-material agenda (including feminism and environmentalism) that alienates traditional working class voters.^[36][37] Another study argues that individuals who join far-right parties determine whether those parties develop into major political players or whether they remain marginalized.^[38]
【参考译文】极右翼政党的崛起也被视为部分选民对后物质主义价值观的拒绝。这一理论被称为“后物质主义的反向论题”，指责左翼和进步党派拥护后物质主义议程（包括女权主义和环保主义），疏远了传统的工人阶级选民。[36][37] 另一项研究认为，加入极右翼政党的个人决定了这些政党是发展成为主要政治参与者还是继续被边缘化。[38]

Early academic studies adopted psychoanalytical explanations for the far right’s support. The 1933 publication The Mass Psychology of Fascism by Wilhelm Reich argued the theory that fascists came to power in Germany as a result of sexual repression. For some far-right parties in Western Europe, the issue of immigration has become the dominant issue among them, so much so that some scholars refer to these parties as “anti-immigrant” parties.^[39]
【参考译文】早期学术研究采用心理分析来解释极右翼的支持。威廉·赖希在 1933 年出版的《法西斯主义的大众心理学》提出了这样的理论：法西斯分子在德国掌权是因为性压抑。对于西欧的一些极右翼政党来说，移民问题已成为他们之间的主导问题，以至于一些学者将这些政党称为“反移民”政党。[39]

3. 思想史 | Intellectual history

3.1 背景 | Background

The French Revolution in 1789 created a major shift in political thought by challenging the established ideas supporting hierarchy with new ones about universal equality and freedom.^[40] The modern left–right political spectrum also emerged during this period. Democrats and proponents of universal suffrage were located on the left side of the elected French Assembly, while monarchists seated farthest to the right.^[19]
【参考译文】1789 年的法国大革命引发了政治思想的重大转变，它用关于普遍平等和自由的新思想挑战了支持等级制度的既定思想。[40] 现代左右翼政治光谱也在这一时期出现。民主党人和普选权的支持者位于法国民选议会的左侧，而君主主义者则坐在最右边。[19]

The strongest opponents of liberalism and democracy during the 19th century, such as Joseph de Maistre and Friedrich Nietzsche, were highly critical of the French Revolution.^[41] Those who advocated a return to the absolute monarchy during the 19th century called themselves “ultra-monarchists” and embraced a “mystic” and “providentialist” vision of the world where royal dynasties were seen as the “repositories of divine will”. The opposition to liberal modernity was based on the belief that hierarchy and rootedness are more important than equality and liberty, with the latter two being dehumanizing.^[42]
【参考译文】19 世纪自由主义和民主的最强烈反对者，如约瑟夫·德·迈斯特和弗里德里希·尼采，对法国大革命持强烈批评态度。[41] 那些主张在 19 世纪恢复绝对君主制的人自称是“极端君主主义者”，他们信奉“神秘主义”和“天意主义”的世界观，认为王朝是“神意的宝库”。反对自由现代性是基于这样的信念：等级制度和根基比平等和自由更重要，后两者是不人道的。[42]

3.2 生成 | Emergence

In the French public debate following the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, far right was used to describe the strongest opponents of the far left, those who supported the events occurring in Russia.^[5] A number of thinkers on the far right nonetheless claimed an influence from an anti-Marxist and anti-egalitarian interpretation of socialism, based on a military comradeship that rejected Marxist class analysis, or what Oswald Spengler had called a “socialism of the blood”, which is sometimes described by scholars as a form of “socialist revisionism“.^[45] They included Charles Maurras, Benito Mussolini, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck and Ernst Niekisch.^[46][47][48] Those thinkers eventually split along nationalist lines from the original communist movement, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels contradicting nationalist theories with the idea that “the working men [had] no country.”^[49] The main reason for that ideological confusion can be found in the consequences of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, which according to Swiss historian Philippe Burrin had completely redesigned the political landscape in Europe by diffusing the idea of an anti-individualistic concept of “national unity” rising above the right and left division.^[48]
【参考译文】在 1917 年布尔什维克革命后的法国公开辩论中，极右翼被用来形容极左翼最强烈的反对者，即那些支持俄国正在发生的事件的人。[5] 尽管如此，一些极右翼思想家声称自己受到了反马克思主义和反平等主义的社会主义解读的影响，这种解读基于拒绝马克思主义阶级分析的军事情谊，或奥斯瓦尔德·斯宾格勒所说的“血腥社会主义”，学者们有时将其描述为一种“社会主义修正主义”。[45] 其中包括夏尔·莫拉斯、贝尼托·墨索里尼、亚瑟·莫勒·范登布鲁克和恩斯特·尼基施。[46][47][48]这些思想家最终沿着民族主义的路线与最初的共产主义运动分道扬镳，卡尔·马克思和弗里德里希·恩格斯用“工人没有国家”的观点来反驳民族主义理论。[49] 这种意识形态混乱的主要原因可以追溯到 1870 年普法战争的后果，根据瑞士历史学家菲利普·伯林的说法，这场战争通过传播一种超越左右两翼分歧的反个人主义“民族团结”概念，彻底改变了欧洲的政治格局。[48]

As the concept of “the masses” was introduced into the political debate through industrialization and the universal suffrage, a new right-wing founded on national and social ideas began to emerge, what Zeev Sternhell has called the “revolutionary right” and a foreshadowing of fascism. The rift between the left and nationalists was furthermore accentuated by the emergence of anti-militarist and anti-patriotic movements like anarchism or syndicalism, which shared even fewer similarities with the far right.^[49] The latter began to develop a “nationalist mysticism” entirely different from that on the left, and antisemitism turned into a credo of the far right, marking a break from the traditional economic “anti-Judaism” defended by parts of the far left, in favour of a racial and pseudo-scientific notion of alterity. Various nationalist leagues began to form across Europe like the Pan-German League or the Ligue des Patriotes, with the common goal of a uniting the masses beyond social divisions.^[50][51]
【参考译文】随着“群众”的概念通过工业化和普选被引入政治辩论，一个以民族和社会理念为基础的新右翼开始出现，泽夫·斯特恩赫尔称之为“革命右翼”，是法西斯主义的预兆。左翼与民族主义者之间的裂痕因无政府主义或工团主义等反军国主义和反爱国主义运动的出现而进一步加剧，这些运动与极右翼几乎没有相似之处。[49] 后者开始发展一种与左翼完全不同的“民族主义神秘主义”，反犹太主义成为极右翼的信条，标志着极右翼与部分极左翼所捍卫的传统经济“反犹太主义”决裂，转而支持种族主义和伪科学的他性概念。欧洲各地开始形成各种民族主义联盟，如泛德联盟或爱国者联盟，其共同目标是团结超越社会分歧的群众。[50][51]

3.3 民族主义和革命右翼 | Völkisch and revolutionary right

The Völkisch movement emerged in the late 19th century, drawing inspiration from German Romanticism and its fascination for a medieval Reich supposedly organized into a harmonious hierarchical order. Erected on the idea of “blood and soil“, it was a racialist, populist, agrarian, romantic nationalist and an antisemitic movement from the 1900s onward as a consequence of a growing exclusive and racial connotation.^[52] They idealized the myth of an “original nation”, that still could be found at their times in the rural regions of Germany, a form of “primitive democracy freely subjected to their natural elites.”^[47] Thinkers led by Arthur de Gobineau, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Alexis Carrel and Georges Vacher de Lapouge distorted Darwin‘s theory of evolution to advocate a “race struggle” and an hygienist vision of the world. The purity of the bio-mystical and primordial nation theorized by the Völkischen then began to be seen as corrupted by foreign elements, Jewish in particular.^[52]
【参考译文】民族主义运动兴起于 19 世纪末，其灵感来自德国浪漫主义，以及对中世纪帝国的迷恋，该帝国据称组织成一个和谐的等级秩序。民族主义运动建立在“血与土”的理念之上，是一场种族主义、民粹主义、农业主义、浪漫民族主义和反犹太主义运动，自 20 世纪初以来，由于排他性和种族内涵的日益加深而发展起来。[52] 他们理想化了“原始民族”的神话，这种神话在当时的德国农村地区仍然可以找到，是一种“自由地服从于自然精英的原始民主”。[47] 以阿瑟·戈比诺、休斯顿·斯图尔特·张伯伦、亚历克西斯·卡雷尔和乔治斯·瓦谢·德·拉普格为首的思想家歪曲了达尔文的进化论，提倡“种族斗争”和卫生主义的世界观。民族主义者理论中的生物神秘主义和原始民族的纯洁性开始被视为受到外来因素（尤其是犹太人）的腐蚀。[52]

Translated in Maurice Barrès‘ concept of “the earth and the dead”, these ideas influenced the pre-fascist “revolutionary right” across Europe. The latter had its origin in the fin de siècle intellectual crisis and it was, in the words of Fritz Stern, the deep “cultural despair” of thinkers feeling uprooted within the rationalism and scientism of the modern world.^[53] It was characterized by a rejection of the established social order, with revolutionary tendencies and anti-capitalist stances, a populist and plebiscitary dimension, the advocacy of violence as a means of action and a call for individual and collective palingenesis (“regeneration, rebirth”).^[54]
【参考译文】这些思想被转化成莫里斯·巴雷斯的“大地与死者”概念，影响了整个欧洲前法西斯主义的“革命右翼”。后者起源于世纪末的知识危机，用弗里茨·斯特恩的话来说，这是思想家在现代世界的理性主义和科学主义中感到被连根拔起的深刻“文化绝望”。[53] 它的特点是拒绝既定的社会秩序，具有革命倾向和反资本主义立场，具有民粹主义和公民投票的维度，提倡以暴力为行动手段，呼吁个人和集体的再生（“再生、重生”）。[54]

3.4 当代思想 | Contemporary thought

The key thinkers of contemporary far-right politics are claimed by Mark Sedgwick to share four key elements, namely apocalyptism, fear of global elites, belief in Carl Schmitt‘s friend–enemy distinction and the idea of metapolitics.^[55] The apocalyptic strain of thought begins in Oswald Spengler‘s The Decline of the West and is shared by Julius Evola and Alain de Benoist. It continues in The Death of the West by Pat Buchanan as well as in fears over Islamization of Europe.^[55] Ernst Jünger was concerned about rootless cosmopolitan elites while de Benoist and Buchanan oppose the managerial state and Curtis Yarvin is against “the Cathedral”.^[55] Schmitt’s friend–enemy distinction has inspired the French Nouvelle Droite idea of ethnopluralism.^[55]
【参考译文】马克·塞奇威克认为，当代极右翼政治的主要思想家具有四个共同的关键要素，即末世论、对全球精英的恐惧、对卡尔·施密特敌友区分的信仰以及元政治思想。[55] 末世论思想始于奥斯瓦尔德·斯宾格勒的《西方的没落》，尤利乌斯·埃沃拉和阿兰·德·贝诺伊斯特也持有这种思想。这种思想延续到了帕特·布坎南的《西方之死》以及对欧洲伊斯兰化的恐惧中。[55] 恩斯特·荣格担心无根的世界主义精英，而德·贝诺伊斯特和布坎南反对管理国家，柯蒂斯·雅文反对“大教堂”。[55] 施密特的敌友区分启发了法国新右派的民族多元主义思想。[55]

In a 1961 book deemed influential in the European far-right at large, French neo-fascist writer Maurice Bardèche introduced the idea that fascism could survive the 20th century under a new metapolitical guise adapted to the changes of the times. Rather than trying to revive doomed regimes with their single party, secret police or public display of Caesarism, Bardèche argued that its theorists should promote the core philosophical idea of fascism regardless of its framework,^[6] i.e. the concept that only a minority, “the physically saner, the morally purer, the most conscious of national interest”, can represent best the community and serve the less gifted in what Bardèche calls a new “feudal contract”.^[56]
【参考译文】1961 年，法国新法西斯主义作家莫里斯·巴代什 (Maurice Bardèche) 出版了一本在欧洲极右翼中颇具影响力的书，书中提出了这样一种观点：法西斯主义可以在适应时代变化的新元政治幌子下在 20 世纪生存下来。巴代什认为，法西斯主义的理论家不应该试图通过单一政党、秘密警察或公开展示凯撒主义来复兴注定要失败的政权，而应该推广法西斯主义的核心哲学思想，而不管其框架如何，[6] 即只有少数人，“身体更健康、道德更纯洁、最有国家利益意识的人”，才能最好地代表社区，为天赋较差的人服务，这就是巴代什所说的新的“封建契约”。[56]

Another influence on contemporary far-right thought has been the Traditionalist School, which included Julius Evola, and has influenced Steve Bannon and Aleksandr Dugin, advisors to Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin as well as the Jobbik party in Hungary.^[57]
【参考译文】传统主义学派也是当代极右翼思想的一个影响因素，该学派包括尤利乌斯·埃沃拉 (Julius Evola)，并影响了唐纳德·特朗普 (Donald Trump) 和弗拉基米尔·普京 (Vladimir Putin) 的顾问史蒂夫·班农 (Steve Bannon) 和亚历山大·杜金 (Aleksandr Dugin)，以及匈牙利的 Jobbik 党。[57]

4. 国际组织 | International organizations

During the rise of Nazi Germany, far-right international organizations began to emerge in the 1930s with the International Conference of Fascist Parties in 1932 and the Fascist International Congress in 1934.^[58] During the 1934 Fascist International Conference, the Comitati d’Azione per l’Universalità di Roma [it] (CAUR; English: Action Committees for the Universality of Rome), created by Benito Mussolini‘s Fascist Regime to create a network for a “Fascist International”, representatives from far-right groups gathered in Montreux, Switzerland, including Romania‘s Iron Guard, Norway‘s Nasjonal Samling, the Greek National Socialist Party, Spain‘s Falange movement, Ireland’s Blueshirts, France‘s Mouvement Franciste and Portugal‘s União Nacional, among others.^[59][60] However, no international group was fully established before the outbreak of World War II.^[58]
【参考译文】在纳粹德国崛起期间，20世纪30年代开始涌现出极右翼国际组织，其中包括1932年的法西斯政党国际会议和1934年的法西斯国际大会。[58]在1934年的法西斯国际大会上，由贝尼托·墨索里尼的法西斯政权创立的行动委员会旨在建立一个“法西斯国际”网络，即罗马普遍性行动委员会（CAUR），来自极右翼团体的代表在瑞士蒙特勒聚集，其中包括罗马尼亚的铁卫军、挪威的民族统一党、希腊民族社会主义党、西班牙的法朗运动、爱尔兰的蓝衫军、法国的法兰西民族运动以及葡萄牙的国家联盟等。[59][60]然而，在第二次世界大战爆发前，没有任何国际组织得以完全建立。[58]

Following World War II, other far-right organizations attempted to establish themselves, such as the European organizations of Nouvel Ordre Européen, European Social Movement and Circulo Español de Amigos de Europa or the further-reaching World Union of National Socialists and the League for Pan-Nordic Friendship.^[61] Beginning in the 1980s, far-right groups began to solidify themselves through official political avenues.^[61]
【参考译文】第二次世界大战后，其他极右翼组织也试图建立自己的组织，如欧洲的新欧洲秩序组织、欧洲社会运动、西班牙欧洲之友圈，以及影响力更大的世界国家社会主义者联盟和泛北欧友谊联盟。[61]从20世纪80年代开始，极右翼团体开始通过官方政治途径巩固自己的地位。[61]

With the founding of the European Union in 1993, far-right groups began to espouse Euroscepticism, nationalist and anti-migrant beliefs.^[58] By 2010, the Eurosceptic group European Alliance for Freedom emerged and saw some prominence during the 2014 European Parliament election.^[58][61] The majority of far-right groups in the 2010s began to establish international contacts with right-wing coalitions to develop a solidified platform.^[58] In 2017, Steve Bannon would create The Movement, an organization to create an international far-right group based on Aleksandr Dugin‘s The Fourth Political Theory, for the 2019 European Parliament election.^[62][63] The European Alliance for Freedom would also reorganize into Identity and Democracy for the 2019 European Parliament election.^[61]
【参考译文】随着1993年欧洲联盟的成立，极右翼团体开始宣扬疑欧主义、民族主义以及反移民的信仰。[58]到2010年，疑欧派团体“欧洲自由联盟”崭露头角，并在2014年欧洲议会选举期间获得了一定的关注度。[58][61]2010年代，大多数极右翼团体开始与右翼联盟建立国际联系，以发展一个稳固的平台。[58]2017年，史蒂夫·班农为2019年欧洲议会选举创建了“运动”组织，该组织旨在基于亚历山大·杜金的“第四政治理论”建立一个国际极右翼团体。[62][63]“欧洲自由联盟”也在为2019年欧洲议会选举做准备的过程中重组为“身份与民主”团体。[61]

The far-right Spanish party Vox initially introduced the Madrid Charter project, a planned group to denounce left-wing groups in Ibero-America, to the government of United States president Donald Trump while visiting the United States in February 2019, with Santiago Abascal and Rafael Bardají using their good relations with the administration to build support within the Republican Party and establishing strong ties with American contacts.^[63][64][65] In March 2019, Abascal tweeted an image of himself wearing a morion similar to a conquistador, with ABC writing in an article detailing the document that this event provided a narrative that “symbolizes in part the expansionist mood of Vox and its ideology far from Spain”.^[66] The charter subsequently grew to include signers that had little to no relation to Latin America and Spanish-speaking areas.^[67] Vox has advised Javier Milei in Argentina, the Bolsonaro family in Brazil, José Antonio Kast in Chile and Keiko Fujimori in Peru.^[68]
【参考译文】2019年2月，极右翼西班牙政党“声音党”在访问美国期间，向时任美国总统特朗普的政府提出了《马德里宪章》项目，该项目计划谴责伊比利亚美洲的左翼团体。圣地亚哥·阿巴斯卡尔和拉斐尔·巴尔达吉利用他们与美国政府之间的良好关系，在共和党内部建立支持，并与美国的联系人建立了牢固的关系。[63][64][65]2019年3月，阿巴斯卡尔在推特上发布了一张自己戴着类似征服者所戴的莫里恩头盔的照片，《ABC报》在一篇详细介绍该文件的文章中写道，这一事件“部分象征着声音党的扩张情绪及其远离西班牙的意识形态”。[66]随后，《宪章》的签署者队伍不断扩大，其中一些人与拉丁美洲和西班牙语地区几乎没有或根本没有关系。[67]声音党为阿根廷的哈维尔·米莱、巴西的博索纳罗家族、智利的何塞·安东尼奥·卡斯特和秘鲁的芙吉香里·藤森提供了建议。[68]

Nationalists from Europe and the United States met at a Holiday Inn in St. Petersburg on March 22, 2015, for first convention of the International Russian Conservative Forum organized by pro-Putin Rodina-party. The event was attended by fringe right-wing extremists like Nordic Resistance Movement from Scandinavia but also by more mainstream MEPs from Golden Dawn and National Democratic Party of Germany. In addition to Rodina, Russian neo-Nazis from Russian Imperial Movement and Rusich Group were also in attendance. From the US the event was attended by Jared Taylor and Brandon Russell.^{[69][70][71][72][73]}
【参考译文】2015年3月22日，来自欧洲和美国的民族主义者齐聚圣彼得堡的一家假日酒店，参加由亲普京的“祖国党”组织的首届国际俄罗斯保守论坛。出席此次活动的有北欧抵抗运动等边缘右翼极端分子，也有来自希腊金色黎明党和德国国家民主党等更主流的成员。除了“祖国党”外，来自俄罗斯帝国运动和鲁斯奇集团的俄罗斯新纳粹分子也出席了会议。来自美国的参与者包括杰瑞德·泰勒和布兰登·罗素。[69][70][71][72][73]

5. 在各国的历史 | History by country

5.1 非洲 | Africa

5.1.1 摩洛哥 | Morocco

Morocco saw a spread of ultranationalism, antifeminism, and opposition to immigration themes in digital spaces.^[74]
【参考译文】摩洛哥的数字空间出现了极端民族主义、反女权主义和反对移民主题的蔓延。[74]

5.1.2 卢旺达 | Rwanda

A number of far-right extremist and paramilitary groups carried out the Rwandan genocide under the racial supremacist ideology of Hutu Power, developed by journalist and Hutu supremacist Hassan Ngeze.^[75] On 5 July 1975, exactly two years after the 1973 Rwandan coup d’état, the far right National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND) was founded under president Juvénal Habyarimana. Between 1975 and 1991, the MRND was the only legal political party in the country. It was dominated by Hutus, particularly from Habyarimana’s home region of Northern Rwanda. An elite group of MRND party members who were known to have influence on the President and his wife Agathe Habyarimana are known as the akazu, an informal organization of Hutu extremists whose members planned and lead the 1994 Rwandan genocide.^[76][77] Prominent Hutu businessman and member of the akazu, Félicien Kabuga was one of the genocides main financiers, providing thousands of machetes which were used to commit the genocide.^[78] Kabuga also founded Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines, used to broadcast propaganda and direct the génocidaires. Kabuga was arrested in France on 16 May 2020, and charged with crimes against humanity.^[79]
【参考译文】在记者兼胡图族至上主义者哈桑·恩杰泽提出的胡图族权力种族至上主义意识形态下，一些极右翼极端主义分子和准军事组织实施了卢旺达种族屠杀。[75]1975年7月5日，即在1973年卢旺达政变两年后，极右翼的民主与发展全国共和运动（MRND）在总统朱韦纳尔·哈比亚利马纳的领导下成立。1975年至1991年间，MRND是该国唯一的合法政党。该政党由胡图族人主导，尤其是来自哈比亚利马纳家乡卢旺达北部的胡图族人。MRND政党内部有一个精英团体，被称为“阿卡祖”，他们对总统及其妻子阿加莎·哈比亚利马纳有很大影响力。阿卡祖是一个由胡图族极端分子组成的非正式组织，其成员策划并领导了1994年的卢旺达种族屠杀。[76][77]著名的胡图族商人兼阿卡祖成员费利西安·卡布加是种族屠杀的主要资助者之一，他提供了数千把用于实施种族屠杀的马切特刀。[78]卡布加还创办了自由千山广播电台，用于传播宣传和指挥种族屠杀者。2020年5月16日，卡布加在法国被捕，并被控反人类罪。[79]

（1）伊图拉穆韦 | Interahamwe

Main article: Interahamwe【主条目：伊图拉穆韦】

The Interahamwe was formed around 1990 as the youth wing of the MRND and enjoyed the backing of the Hutu Power government. The Interahamwe were driven out of Rwanda after Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front victory in the Rwandan Civil War in July 1994 and are considered a terrorist organisation by many African and Western governments. The Interahamwe and splinter groups such as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda continue to wage an insurgency against Rwanda from neighboring countries, where they are also involved in local conflicts and terrorism. The Interahamwe were the main perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide, during which an estimated 500,000 to 1,000,000 Tutsi, Twa and moderate Hutus were killed from April to July 1994 and the term Interahamwe was widened to mean any civilian bands killing Tutsi.^[80][81]
【参考译文】伊图拉穆韦大约于1990年成立，是民主与发展全国共和运动（MRND）的青年组织，并得到了胡图族权力政府的支持。1994年7月，图西族领导的卢旺达爱国阵线在卢旺达内战中取得胜利后，伊图拉穆韦被驱逐出卢旺达，并被许多非洲和西方国家政府视为恐怖组织。伊图拉穆韦及其分裂组织，如解放卢旺达民主力量，继续从邻国对卢旺达发动叛乱，同时参与当地冲突和恐怖主义活动。伊图拉穆韦是卢旺达种族屠杀的主要肇事者，在1994年4月至7月期间，估计有50万至100万图西人、特瓦人和温和的胡图人被杀害，伊图拉穆韦一词也被泛指为杀害图西人的任何平民团伙。[80][81]

（2）保卫共和国联盟 | Coalition for the Defence of the Republic

Main article: Coalition for the Defence of the Republic【主条目：保卫共和国联盟】

Other far-right groups and paramilitaries involved included the anti-democratic segregationist Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR), which called for complete segregation of Hutus from Tutsis. The CDR had a paramilitary wing known as the Impuzamugambi. Together with the Interahamwe militia, the Impuzamugambi played a central role in the Rwandan genocide.^[82][75]
【参考译文】

其他参与的极右翼团体和准军事组织包括反民主的种族隔离主义组织保卫共和国联盟（CDR），该组织呼吁将胡图人与图西人完全隔离。保卫共和国联盟有一个准军事组织，被称为“Impuzamugambi”。Impuzamugambi与伊图拉穆韦民兵一起，在卢旺达种族屠杀中发挥了核心作用。[82][75]

5.1.3 南非 | South Africa

南非

• 阿非利卡人抵抗运动

（1）重建国家党 | Herstigte Nasionale Party

Main article: Herstigte Nasionale Party【主条目：重建国家党】

The far right in South Africa emerged as the Herstigte Nasionale Party (HNP) in 1969, formed by Albert Hertzog as breakaway from the predominant right-wing South African National Party, an Afrikaner ethno-nationalist party that implemented the racist, segregationist program of apartheid, the legal system of political, economic and social separation of the races intended to maintain and extend political and economic control of South Africa by the White minority.^[83][84][85] The HNP was formed after the South African National Party re-established diplomatic relations with Malawi and legislated to allow Māori players and spectators to enter the country during the 1970 New Zealand rugby union team tour in South Africa.^[86] The HNP advocated for a Calvinist, racially segregated and Afrikaans-speaking nation.^[87]
【参考译文】南非极右翼政党“南非国民党”于 1969 年成立，由阿尔伯特·赫佐格从当时占主导地位的右翼政党南非民族党中分离出来。南非民族党是一个阿非利卡人民族主义政党，推行种族隔离政策，即在政治、经济和社会上对种族进行分离的法律制度，旨在维持和扩大白人少数群体对南非的政治和经济控制。[83][84][85] 南非国民党在与马拉维重建外交关系后成立，并立法允许毛利球员和观众在 1970 年新西兰橄榄球联盟队南非巡回赛期间入境。[86] 南非国民党主张建立一个加尔文主义、种族隔离和讲南非荷兰语的国家。[87]

（2）南非荷兰人抵抗运动 | Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging

Main article: Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging【主条目：南非荷兰人抵抗运动】

In 1973, Eugène Terre’Blanche, a former police officer founded the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (Afrikaner Resistance Movement), a South African neo-Nazi paramilitary organisation, often described as a white supremacist group.^[88][89][90] Since its founding in 1973 by Eugène Terre’Blanche and six other far-right Afrikaners, it has been dedicated to secessionist Afrikaner nationalism and the creation of an independent Boer-Afrikaner republic in part of South Africa. During negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s, the organization terrorized and killed black South Africans.^[91]
【参考译文】1973 年，前警官尤金·特雷布兰奇 (Eugène Terre’Blanche) 创立了南非新纳粹准军事组织阿非利卡人抵抗运动 (Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging)，该组织经常被描述为白人至上主义团体。[88][89][90] 自 1973 年尤金·特雷布兰奇和其他六名极右翼阿非利卡人创立以来，该组织一直致力于分离主义阿非利卡人民族主义和在南非部分地区建立独立的布尔-阿非利卡人共和国。在 1990 年代初结束南非种族隔离的谈判期间，该组织恐吓并杀害了南非黑人。[91]

5.1.4 多哥 | Togo

Main article: Human rights in Togo【主条目：多哥的人权】

Togo has been ruled by members of the Gnassingbé family and the far-right military dictatorship formerly known as the Rally of the Togolese People since 1969. Despite the legalisation of political parties in 1991 and the ratification of a democratic constitution in 1992, the regime continues to be regarded as oppressive. In 1993, the European Union cut off aid in reaction to the regime’s human-rights offenses. After’s Eyadema’s death in 2005, his son Faure Gnassingbe took over, then stood down and was re-elected in elections that were widely described as fraudulent and occasioned violence that resulted in as many as 600 deaths and the flight from Togo of 40,000 refugees.^[92] In 2012, Faure Gnassingbe dissolved the RTP and created the Union for the Republic.^[93][94][95]
【参考译文】多哥自 1969 年以来一直由纳辛贝家族成员和极右翼军事独裁政权统治，该政权前身为多哥人民联盟。尽管 1991 年政党合法化，1992 年批准了民主宪法，但该政权仍然被视为压迫性的。1993 年，欧盟因该政权侵犯人权而切断了援助。2005 年埃亚德马去世后，他的儿子福雷·纳辛贝接任，然后辞职并再次当选，但选举被广泛描述为欺诈并引发暴力事件，导致多达 600 人死亡，40,000 名难民逃离多哥。[92] 2012 年，福雷·纳辛贝解散了 RTP，并创建了共和国联盟。[93][94][95]

Throughout the reign of the Gnassingbé family, Togo has been extremely oppressive. According to a United States Department of State report based on conditions in 2010, human rights abuses are common and include “security force use of excessive force, including torture, which resulted in deaths and injuries; official impunity; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrests and detention; lengthy pretrial detention; executive influence over the judiciary; infringement of citizens’ privacy rights; restrictions on freedoms of press, assembly, and movement; official corruption; discrimination and violence against women; child abuse, including female genital mutilation (FGM), and sexual exploitation of children; regional and ethnic discrimination; trafficking in persons, especially women and children; societal discrimination against persons with disabilities; official and societal discrimination against homosexual persons; societal discrimination against persons with HIV; and forced labor, including by children.”^[96]
【参考译文】在纳辛贝家族统治期间，多哥一直非常压抑。根据美国国务院基于 2010 年情况的报告，侵犯人权行为很常见，包括“安全部队过度使用武力，包括酷刑，导致人员伤亡；官员有罪不罚；监狱条件恶劣，危及生命；任意逮捕和拘留；长期审前拘留；行政部门对司法部门的影响；侵犯公民隐私权；限制新闻、集会和行动自由；官员腐败；歧视和暴力侵害妇女；虐待儿童，包括女性生殖器切割 (FGM) 和对儿童的性剥削；地区和种族歧视；贩卖人口，特别是妇女和儿童；社会歧视残疾人；官员和社会歧视同性恋者；社会歧视艾滋病毒感染者；强迫劳动，包括儿童劳动。”[96]

5.1.5 其他国家和地区

辽观注：此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

埃及

• 穆斯林兄弟会^[56][57]

赤道几内亚

• 赤道几内亚民主党

尼日利亚

• 博科圣地

5.2 美洲 | Americas

See also: Fascism in North America and Fascism in South America
【另请参阅：北美法西斯主义和南美法西斯主义】

5.2.1 巴西 | Brazil

巴西

• 社会自由党
• 工党
• 爱国者
• 自由党
• 为了巴西联盟^[63]
• 巴西民主运动（部分派别）

During the 1920s and 1930s, a local brand of religious fascism appeared known as Brazilian Integralism, coalescing around the party known as Brazilian Integralist Action. It adopted many characteristics of European fascist movements, including a green-shirted paramilitary organization with uniformed ranks, highly regimented street demonstrations and rhetoric against Marxism and liberalism.^[97]
【参考译文】20世纪20年代和30年代，一种名为巴西整体主义（Brazilian Integralism）的地方宗教法西斯主义思潮出现，其以巴西整体主义行动党为中心。它采纳了许多欧洲法西斯运动的特点，包括身穿绿色衬衫的准军事组织，设有统一军衔，组织高度严谨的街头示威活动，以及反对马克思主义和自由主义的言论。[97]

Prior to World War II, the Nazi Party had been making and distributing propaganda among ethnic Germans in Brazil. The Nazi regime built close ties with Brazil through the estimated 100 thousand native Germans and 1 million German descendants living in Brazil at the time.^[98] In 1928, the Brazilian section of the Nazi Party was founded in Timbó, Santa Catarina. This section reached 2,822 members and was the largest section of the Nazi Party outside Germany.^[99][100] About 100 thousand born Germans and about one million descendants lived in Brazil at that time.^[101]
【参考译文】在第二次世界大战爆发前，纳粹党一直在巴西的德裔人群中制作和传播宣传品。纳粹政权通过当时生活在巴西的约10万德国本土人和100万德国后裔，与巴西建立了密切联系。[98]1928年，纳粹党巴西支部在圣卡塔琳娜州的廷博成立。该支部拥有2822名成员，是纳粹党在德国以外最大的支部。[99][100]当时，巴西约有10万德裔出生者和约100万德裔后裔。[101]

After Germany’s defeat in World War II, many Nazi war criminals fled to Brazil and hid among the German-Brazilian communities. The most notable example of this was Josef Mengele, a Nazi SS officer and physician known as the “Angel of Death” for his deadly experiments on prisoners at the Auschwitz II (Birkenau) concentration camp, who fled first to Argentina, then Paraguay, before finally settling in Brazil in 1960. Mengele eventually drowned in 1979 in Bertioga, on the coast of São Paulo state, without ever having been recognized in his 19 years in Brazil.^[102]
【参考译文】第二次世界大战德国战败后，许多纳粹战犯逃往巴西，并藏匿于德裔巴西人社区中。其中最著名的例子是纳粹党卫军军官兼医生约瑟夫·门格尔，他因在奥斯维辛二号（比克瑙）集中营对囚犯进行致命实验而被称为“死亡天使”。门格尔先是逃到阿根廷，再逃到巴拉圭，最后于1960年定居巴西。门格尔最终在1979年于圣保罗州的海滨城市贝尔蒂奥加溺水身亡，在巴西隐居的19年里，他的身份一直没有被识破。[102]

The far right has continued to operate throughout Brazil^[103] and a number of far-right parties existed in the modern era including Patriota, the Brazilian Labour Renewal Party, the Party of the Reconstruction of the National Order, the National Renewal Alliance and the Social Liberal Party as well as death squads such as the Command for Hunting Communists. Former President of Brazil Jair Bolsonaro was a member of the Alliance for Brazil, a far-right nationalist political group that aimed to become a political party, until 2022, when the party was disbanded. Since 2022, he is a member of the Liberal Party.^{[104][105][106]} Bolsonaro has been widely described by numerous media organizations as far right.^[107]
【参考译文】极右翼势力一直在巴西活动[103]，现代巴西存在着多个极右翼政党，包括爱国者党、巴西劳工复兴党、国家秩序重建党、国家复兴联盟和社会自由党，以及诸如“共产主义者猎杀突击队”等死亡小队。巴西前总统雅伊尔·博索纳罗曾是极右翼民族主义政治团体“巴西联盟”的成员，该团体旨在成为一个政党，直到2022年被解散。自2022年起，博索纳罗成为自由党成员。[104][105][106]多家媒体组织广泛认为博索纳罗是极右翼人士。[107]

5.2.2 危地马拉 | Guatemala

Main article: National Liberation Movement (Guatemala)【主条目：民族解放运动 (危地马拉)】

In Guatemala, the far-right^[108][109] government of Carlos Castillo Armas utilized death squads after coming to power in the 1954 Guatemalan coup d’état.^[108][109] Along with other far-right extremists, Castillo Armas started the National Liberation Movement (Movimiento de Liberación Nacional, or MLN). The founders of the party described it as the “party of organized violence”.^[110] The new government promptly reversed the democratic reforms initiated during the Guatemalan Revolution and the agrarian reform program (Decree 900) that was the main project of president Jacobo Arbenz Guzman and which directly impacted the interests of both the United Fruit Company and the Guatemalan landowners.^[111]
【参考译文】在危地马拉，极右翼[108][109]政府领导人卡洛斯·卡斯蒂略·阿马斯在1954年危地马拉政变上台后，动用了死亡小队。[108][109]卡斯蒂略·阿马斯与其他极右翼极端分子一起，创立了民族解放运动（西班牙语：Movimiento de Liberación Nacional，简称MLN）。该党的创始人将其描述为“有组织暴力的政党”。[110]新政府迅速推翻了危地马拉革命期间发起的民主改革和土地改革计划（第900号法令），这是雅各布·阿本斯·古兹曼总统的主要项目，直接影响了联合果品公司和危地马拉地主的利益。[111]

Mano Blanca, otherwise known as the Movement of Organized Nationalist Action, was set up in 1966 as a front for the MLN to carry out its more violent activities,^[112][113] along with many other similar groups, including the New Anticommunist Organization and the Anticommunist Council of Guatemala.^[110][114] Mano Blanca was active during the governments of colonel Carlos Arana Osorio and general Kjell Laugerud García and was dissolved by general Fernando Romeo Lucas Garcia in 1978.^[115]
【参考译文】“白手运动”（Mano Blanca），又称有组织民族行动运动，于1966年成立，是MLN进行更暴力活动的前线组织，[112][113]以及其他许多类似组织，包括新反共组织和危地马拉反共理事会。[110][114]“白手运动”在卡洛斯·阿拉纳·奥索里奥上校和凯尔·劳格德·加西亚将军执政期间很活跃，1978年被费尔南多·罗密欧·卢卡斯·加西亚将军解散。[115]

Armed with the support and coordination of the Guatemalan Armed Forces, Mano Blanca began a campaign described by the United States Department of State as one of “kidnappings, torture, and summary execution.”^[113] One of the main targets of Mano Blanca was the Revolutionary Party, an anti-communist group that was the only major reform oriented party allowed to operate under the military-dominated regime. Other targets included the banned leftist parties.^[113] Human rights activist Blase Bonpane described the activities of Mano Blanca as being an integral part of the policy of the Guatemalan government and by extension the policy of the United States government and the Central Intelligence Agency.^[111][116] Overall, Mano Blanca was responsible for thousands of murders and kidnappings, leading travel writer Paul Theroux to refer to them as “Guatemala’s version of a volunteer Gestapo unit”.^[117]
【参考译文】在危地马拉武装部队的支持和协调下，“白手运动”开始了一场美国国务院描述为“绑架、酷刑和即决处决”的运动。[113]“白手运动”的主要目标之一是革命党，这是一个反共组织，也是军事独裁统治下唯一被允许运作的主要改革政党。其他目标还包括被禁止的左翼政党。[113]人权活动家布莱斯·邦潘认为，“白手运动”的活动是危地马拉政府政策不可或缺的一部分，进而也是美国政府和中央情报局政策的一部分。[111][116]总体而言，“白手运动”对数千起谋杀和绑架事件负有责任，旅游作家保罗·西罗克斯称之为“危地马拉版的志愿盖世太保部队”。[117]

5.2.3 智利 | Chile

The National Socialist Movement of Chile (MNSCH) was created in the 1930s with the funding from the German population in Chile.^[118] In 1938, the MNSCH was dissolved after it attempted a coup and recreated itself as the Popular Freedom Alliance party, later merging with the Agrarian Party to create the Agrarian Labor Party (PAL).^[119] PAL would go through various mergers to become the Partido Nacional Popular (Chile) [es], then National Action and finally the National Party.
【参考译文】智利民族社会主义运动（MNSCH）于20世纪30年代在智利德国人的资助下创立。[118]1938年，MNSCH在发动政变未遂后被解散，随后重组为人民自由联盟党，后来与农业党合并成立了农业劳动党（PAL）。[119]PAL经过多次合并，最终成为智利人民党（Partido Nacional Popular），然后是国家行动党，最终成为民族党。

Following the fall of Nazi Germany, many Nazis fled to Chile.^[120] The National Party supported the 1973 Chilean coup d’état that established the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet with many members assuming positions in Pinochet’s government. Pinochet headed a far-right dictatorship in Chile from 1973 to 1990.^[121][122] According to author Peter Levenda, Pinochet was “openly pro-Nazi” and used former Gestapo members to train his own Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional (DINA) personnel.^[120] Pinochet’s DINA sent political prisoners to the Chilean-German town of Colonia Dignidad, with the town’s actions being defended by the Pinochet government.^{[120][123][124]} The Central Intelligence Agency and Simon Wiesenthal also provided evidence of Josef Mengele – the infamous Nazi concentration camp doctor known as the “Angel of Death” for his lethal experiments on human subjects – being present in Colonia Dignidad.^[120][124] Former DINA member Michael Townley also stated that biological warfare weapons experiments occurred at the colony.^[125]
【参考译文】纳粹德国倒台后，许多纳粹分子逃往智利。[120]民族党支持1973年智利政变，建立了奥古斯托·皮诺切特的军事独裁政权，许多成员在皮诺切特政府中担任要职。皮诺切特于1973年至1990年期间领导智利极右翼独裁政权。[121][122]据作家彼得·莱文达称，皮诺切特“公开支持纳粹”，并雇用前盖世太保成员来培训他的国家情报局（DINA）人员。[120]皮诺切特的DINA将政治犯送往智利与德国交界处的尊严殖民地镇，皮诺切特政府为该镇的行为辩护。[120][123][124]中央情报局和西蒙·维森塔尔也提供证据，表明臭名昭著的纳粹集中营医生约瑟夫·门格勒（因其对人体进行致命实验而被称为“死亡天使”）曾在尊严殖民地镇。[120][124]前DINA成员迈克尔·汤利也证实，该殖民地进行过生物战武器实验。[125]

Following the end of Pinochet’s government, the National Party would split to become the more centrist National Renewal (RN), while individuals who supported Pinochet organized Independent Democratic Union (UDI). UDI is a far-right political party that was formed by former Pinochet officials.^{[126][127][128][129]} In 2019, the far-right Republican Party was founded by José Antonio Kast, a UDI politician who believed his former party criticized Pinochet too often.^{[130][131][132][133]} According to Cox and Blanco, the Republican Party appeared in Chilean politics in a similar manner to Spain’s Vox party, with both parties splitting off from an existing right wing party to collect disillusioned voters.^[134]
【参考译文】皮诺切特政府结束后，民族党分裂为更加中立的民族复兴党（RN），而支持皮诺切特的人则组织了独立民主联盟（UDI）。UDI是一个由前皮诺切特官员组成的极右翼政党。[126][127][128][129]2019年，由UDI政客何塞·安东尼奥·卡斯特创立的极右翼共和党成立，卡斯特认为其前党对皮诺切特的批评过于频繁。[130][131][132][133]据考克斯和布兰科称，共和党在智利政治中的出现方式与西班牙的Vox党相似，两个政党都是从现有的右翼政党中分裂出来，以争取那些感到失望的选民。[134]

5.2.4 萨尔瓦多 | El Salvador

Main article: Death squads in El Salvador【主条目：萨尔瓦多行刑队（死亡之队）】

During the Salvadoran Civil War, far-right death squads known in Spanish by the name of Escuadrón de la Muerte, literally “Squadron of Death, achieved notoriety when a sniper assassinated Archbishop Óscar Romero while he was saying mass in March 1980. In December 1980, three American nuns and a lay worker were gangraped and murdered by a military unit later found to have been acting on specific orders. Death squads were instrumental in killing thousands of peasants and activists. Funding for the squads came primarily from right-wing Salvadoran businessmen and landowners.^[135]
【参考译文】在萨尔瓦多内战期间，一个名为“Escuadrón de la Muerte”（意为“死亡之队”）的极右翼武装部队臭名昭著，1980年3月，他们在奥斯卡·罗梅罗大主教主持弥撒时将其暗杀。1980年12月，三名美国修女和一名世俗工作人员被一支后来发现是执行特定命令的军队轮奸并杀害。死亡之队在杀害数千名农民和活动分子方面发挥了重要作用。这些部队的资金主要来自萨尔瓦多的右翼商人和地主。[135]

El Salvadorian death squads indirectly received arms, funding, training and advice during the Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations.^[136] Some death squads such as Sombra Negra are still operating in El Salvador.^[137]
【参考译文】在吉米·卡特、罗纳德·里根和乔治·H·W·布什执政期间，萨尔瓦多的死亡之队间接获得了武器、资金、训练和咨询。[136]一些死亡之队，如“黑色阴影”，至今仍在萨尔瓦多活动。[137]

5.2.5 洪都拉斯 | Honduras

Main article: Death squads in Honduras【主条目：洪都拉斯行刑队（死亡之队）】

Honduras also had far-right death squads active through the 1980s, the most notorious of which was Battalion 3–16. Hundreds of people, teachers, politicians and union bosses were assassinated by government-backed forces. Battalion 316 received substantial support and training from the United States through the Central Intelligence Agency.^[138] At least nineteen members were School of the Americas graduates.^[139][140] As of mid-2006, seven members, including Billy Joya, later played important roles in the administration of President Manuel Zelaya.^[141]
【参考译文】20世纪80年代，洪都拉斯也有极右翼死亡之队活动，其中最臭名昭著的是3-16营。数百名教师、政治家和工会领袖被政府支持的部队暗杀。316营通过中央情报局获得了美国的大力支持和培训。[138]其中至少有19名成员是美洲学校毕业生。[139][140]截至2006年中，包括比利·乔亚在内的7名成员后来在总统曼努埃尔·塞拉亚的政府中发挥了重要作用。[141]

Following the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, former Battalion 3–16 member Nelson Willy Mejía Mejía became Director-General of Immigration^[142][143] and Billy Joya was de facto President Roberto Micheletti‘s security advisor.^[144] Napoleón Nassar Herrera, another former Battalion 3–16 member,^[141][145] was high Commissioner of Police for the north-west region under Zelaya and under Micheletti, even becoming a Secretary of Security spokesperson “for dialogue” under Micheletti.^[146][147] Zelaya claimed that Joya had reactivated the death squad, with dozens of government opponents having been murdered since the ascent of the Michiletti and Lobo governments.^[144]
【参考译文】2009年洪都拉斯宪法危机后，前3-16营成员内尔森·威利·梅西亚·梅西亚成为移民总局局长[142][143]，而比利·乔亚则成为总统罗伯托·米切莱蒂事实上的安全顾问。[144]另一名前3-16营成员拿破仑·纳萨尔·埃雷拉[141][145]，在塞拉亚和米切莱蒂执政期间担任西北地区的警察高级专员，甚至在米切莱蒂执政期间成为安全部发言人，负责“对话”。[146][147]塞拉亚声称，乔亚重新激活了死亡之队，自米切莱蒂和洛博政府上台以来，已有数十名政府反对者被杀。[144]

5.2.6 墨西哥 | Mexico

（1）国家民族联合主义党 | National Synarchist Union

Main article: National Synarchist Union【主条目：国家民族联合主义党】

The largest far-right party in Mexico is the National Synarchist Union. It was historically a movement of the Roman Catholic extreme right, in some ways akin to clerical fascism and Falangism, strongly opposed to the left-wing and secularist policies of the Institutional Revolutionary Party and its predecessors that governed Mexico from 1929 to 2000 and 2012 to 2018.^[148][149]
【参考译文】墨西哥最大的极右翼政党是国家民族联合主义党。从历史上看，它是一个罗马天主教极右翼运动，在某些方面类似于神权法西斯主义和法郎主义，强烈反对墨西哥革命制度党及其前身（从1929年至2000年以及2012年至2018年执政）的左翼和世俗政策。[148][149]

5.2.7 秘鲁 | Peru

秘鲁

• 人民力量^[66]

（1）藤森主义 | Fujimorism

Further information: Fujimorism【更多信息：藤森主义】

During the internal conflict in Peru and a struggling presidency of Alan García, the Peruvian Armed Forces created Plan Verde, initially a coup plan that involved establishing a government that would carry out the genocide of impoverished and indigenous Peruvians, the control or censorship of media and the establishment of a neoliberal economy controlled by a military junta in Peru.^{[150][151][152]} Military planners also decided against the coup as they expected Mario Vargas Llosa, a neoliberal candidate, to be elected in the 1990 Peruvian general election.^[153][154] Vargas Llosa later reported that Anthony C. E. Quainton, the United States Ambassador to Peru, personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) purportedly being supportive of his opponent Alberto Fujimori were authentic, reportedly due to Fujimori’s relationship with Vladimiro Montesinos, a former National Intelligence Service (SIN) officer who was tasked with spying on the Peruvian military for the CIA.^[155][156]
【参考译文】在秘鲁国内冲突和总统阿兰·加西亚执政困难时期，秘鲁武装部队制定了“绿色计划”，最初这是一个政变计划，旨在建立一个政府，对贫困和土著秘鲁人进行种族灭绝，控制或审查媒体，并在秘鲁建立一个由军政府控制的新自由主义经济。[150][151][152]军事策划者还决定不发动政变，因为他们预计新自由主义候选人马里奥·巴尔加斯·略萨将在1990年秘鲁大选中当选。[153][154]巴尔加斯·略萨后来报告说，美国驻秘鲁大使安东尼·C·E·昆顿亲自告诉他，据称中央情报局（CIA）泄露的文件支持他的对手阿尔韦托·藤森，这些文件是真实的，据说这是因为藤森与前国家情报局（SIN）官员弗拉迪米罗·蒙特西诺斯的关系，蒙特西诺斯的任务是为中央情报局监视秘鲁军队。[155][156]

An agreement was ultimately adopted between the armed forces and Fujimori after he was inaugurated president,^[153] with the Fujimori implementing many of the objectives outlined in Plan Verde.^[156][153] Fujimori then established Fujimorism, an ideology with authoritarian^[157] and conservative traits^[158][159] that is still prevalent throughout Peru’s institutions,^[160] leading Peru through the 1992 Peruvian coup d’état until he fled to Japan in 2000 during the Vladivideos scandal. Following Alberto Fujimori’s arrest and trial, his daughter Keiko Fujimori assumed leadership of the Fujimorist movement and established Popular Force, a far-right political party.^{[161][162][163]} The 2016 Peruvian general election resulted with the party holding the most power in the Congress of Peru from 2016 to 2019, marking the beginning of a political crisis. Following the 2021 Peruvian general election, far-right politician Rafael López Aliaga and his party Popular Renewal rose in popularity^{[164][165][166][167][168][169]} and a far-right Congress – with the body’s largest far-right bloc being Popular Force, Popular Renewal and Advance Country^[170] – was elected into office.^[171] Following the election, La Resistencia Dios, Patria y Familia, a neofascist militant organization would promote Fujimorism and oppose President Pedro Castillo.^{[172][173][174]}
【参考译文】藤森就任总统后，武装部队和藤森之间最终达成了一项协议，[153]藤森实施了“绿色计划”中概述的许多目标。[156][153]然后，藤森创立了藤森主义，这是一种具有权威主义[157]和保守主义特征[158][159]的意识形态，至今仍在秘鲁的各个机构中盛行，[160]藤森主义引领秘鲁度过了1992年秘鲁政变，直到藤森在2000年“录像门”丑闻期间逃往日本。在阿尔韦托·藤森被捕并接受审判后，他的女儿基科·藤森接过了藤森主义运动的领导权，并成立了极右翼政党“人民力量”。[161][162][163]2016年秘鲁大选的结果是，该党在2016年至2019年期间成为秘鲁国会中势力最大的政党，这标志着政治危机的开始。2021年秘鲁大选后，极右翼政治家拉斐尔·洛佩斯·阿里亚加和他的政党“人民复兴”人气飙升[164][165][166][167][168][169]，一个极右翼国会当选，其中最大的极右翼集团包括“人民力量”、“人民复兴”和“前进国家”[170]。[171]大选后，新法西斯主义武装组织“抵抗—上帝、祖国和家庭”将宣传藤森主义，并反对总统佩德罗·卡斯蒂略。[172][173][174]

5.2.8 美国 | United States

See also: Fascism in the United States【参见：美国的法西斯主义】

美国

• 共和党（部分派系）
• 美国第一党
• 宪法党
• 美国人党
• 美国的党
• 美国独立党^[61]
• 美国爱国党^[62]
• 独立美国党
• 美国纳粹党
• 美国阵线
• 骄傲男孩
• 三K党
• 布加洛运动
• 民族社会主义运动（美国）

In United States politics, the terms “extreme right”, “far-right”, and “ultra-right” are labels used to describe “militant forms of insurgent revolutionary right ideology and separatist ethnocentric nationalism”, according to The Public Eye.^[175] The terms are used for groups and movements such as Christian Identity,^[175] the Creativity Movement,^[175] the Ku Klux Klan,^[175] the National Socialist Movement,^{[175][176][177]} the National Alliance,^[175] the Joy of Satan Ministries,^[176][177] and the Order of Nine Angles.^[178] These far-right groups share conspiracist views of power which are overwhelmingly anti-Semitic and reject pluralist democracy in favour of an organic oligarchy that would unite the perceived homogeneously racial Völkish nation.^[175][178] The far-right in the United States is composed of various neo-fascist, neo-Nazi, white nationalist, and white supremacist organizations and networks who have been known to refer to an “acceleration” of racial conflict through violent means such as assassinations, murders, terrorist attacks, and societal collapse, in order to achieve the building of a white ethnostate.^[179]
【参考译文】据《公众之眼》报道，在美国政治中，“极端右翼”、“极右翼”和“超右翼”这些术语被用来描述“激进革命右翼意识形态和分裂的种族中心主义民族主义的军事形式”。[175]这些术语用于描述基督教身份论[175]、创造力运动[175]、三K党[175]、国家社会主义运动[175][176][177]、国家联盟[175]、撒旦喜悦事工[176][177]和九角秩序[178]等团体和运动。这些极右翼团体持有阴谋论的权力观，他们大多是反犹太主义的，拒绝多元民主，而支持有机寡头统治，以联合他们眼中同质化的种族民族国家。[175][178]美国的极右翼由各种新法西斯主义、新纳粹主义、白人至上主义和白人种族主义组织及网络组成，他们通过暗杀、谋杀、恐怖袭击和社会崩溃等暴力手段“加速”种族冲突，以建立白人种族国家，这是人所共知的。[179]

（1）激进右翼 | Radical right

Main article: Radical right (United States)【主条目：美国的激进右翼】

Starting in the 1870s and continuing through the late 19th century, numerous white supremacist paramilitary groups operated in the South, with the goal of organizing against and intimidating supporters of the Republican Party. Examples of such groups included the Red Shirts and the White League. The Second Ku Klux Klan, which was formed in 1915, combined Protestant fundamentalism and moralism with right-wing extremism. Its major support came from the urban South, the Midwest, and the Pacific Coast.^[180] While the Klan initially drew upper middle class support, its bigotry and violence alienated these members and it came to be dominated by less educated and poorer members.^[181]
【参考译文】从 19 世纪 70 年代开始，一直到 19 世纪末，南方出现了许多白人至上主义的准军事组织，他们的目标是组织起来对抗并恐吓共和党的支持者。这样的组织包括红衫军和白人联盟等。1915 年成立的三 K 党（第二次）将新教原教旨主义和道德主义与右翼极端主义相结合。它的主要支持者来自南方城市、中西部和太平洋沿岸。[180] 虽然三 K 党最初获得了中上阶层的支持，但其偏执和暴力行为使这些成员疏远，后来该组织主要由受教育程度较低和较贫穷的成员所主导。[181]

Between the 1920s and the 1930s, the Ku Klux Klan developed an explicitly nativist, pro-Anglo-Saxon Protestant, anti-Catholic, anti-Irish, anti-Italian, and anti-Jewish stance in relation to the growing political, economic, and social uncertainty related to the arrival of European immigrants on the American soil, predominantly composed of Irish people, Italians, and Eastern European Jews.^[182] The Ku Klux Klan claimed that there was a secret Catholic army within the United States loyal to the Pope, that one million Knights of Columbus were arming themselves, and that Irish-American policemen would shoot Protestants as heretics. Their sensationalistic claims eventually developed into full-blown political conspiracy theories, to the point that the Klan claimed that Roman Catholics were planning to take Washington and put the Vatican in power and that all presidential assassinations had been carried out by Roman Catholics.^[183][184]
【参考译文】20 世纪 20 年代至 30 年代，随着欧洲移民（主要是爱尔兰人、意大利人和东欧犹太人）大量涌入美国，导致美国政治、经济和社会不确定性加剧，三 K 党发展出了一种明确的本土主义、亲盎格鲁-撒克逊新教、反天主教、反爱尔兰、反意大利和反犹太的立场。[182]三 K 党声称，美国国内有一支效忠于教皇的天主教秘密军队，一百万名哥伦布骑士团成员正在武装自己，爱尔兰裔美国警察会射杀新教徒，视其为异端。他们耸人听闻的说法最终演变成了全面的政治阴谋论，以至于三 K 党声称天主教徒正计划占领华盛顿并让梵蒂冈掌权，而且所有总统遇刺事件都是天主教徒所为。[183][184]

The prominent Klan leader D. C. Stephenson believed in the antisemitic canard of Jewish control of finance, claiming that international Jewish bankers were behind the World War I and planned to destroy economic opportunities for Christians. Other Klansmen believed in the Jewish Bolshevism conspiracy theory and claimed that the Russian Revolution and communism were orchestrated by the Jews. They frequently reprinted parts of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and New York City was condemned as an evil city controlled by Jews and Roman Catholics. The objects of the Klan fear tended to vary by locale and included African Americans as well as American Roman Catholics, Jews, labour unions, liquor, Orientals, and Wobblies. They were also anti-elitist and attacked “the intellectuals”, seeing themselves as egalitarian defenders of the common man.^[185] During the Great Depression, there were a large number of small nativist groups, whose ideologies and bases of support were similar to those of earlier nativist groups. However, proto-fascist movements such as Huey Long‘s Share Our Wealth and Charles Coughlin‘s National Union for Social Justice emerged which differed from other right-wing groups by attacking big business, calling for economic reforms, and rejecting nativism. Coughlin’s group later developed a racist ideology.^[186]
【参考译文】著名的三 K 党领袖 D.C. 斯蒂芬森信奉反犹太主义的谣言，即犹太人控制金融，他声称第一次世界大战是由国际犹太银行家策划的，他们计划剥夺基督徒的经济机会。其他三 K 党员则相信犹太布尔什维克阴谋论，声称俄国革命和共产主义是由犹太人策划的。他们经常重印《锡安长老会纪要》的部分内容，并谴责纽约市是一座被犹太人和天主教徒控制的邪恶城市。三 K 党的恐惧对象往往因地区而异，包括非裔美国人以及美国的天主教徒、犹太人、工会、酒类、东方人和游荡无产者（Wobblies，即世界产业工人联合会成员）。他们还反对精英主义，攻击“知识分子”，将自己视为普通民众的平等主义者捍卫者。[185]在大萧条期间，出现了许多小型本土主义团体，他们的意识形态和支持基础与早期的本土主义团体相似。然而，也出现了如休伊·朗的“共享我们的财富”运动和查尔斯·库格林的“国家社会正义联盟”等准法西斯运动，它们与其他右翼团体的不同之处在于，它们攻击大企业，呼吁经济改革，并反对本土主义。库格林的团体后来发展出了种族主义意识形态。[186]

During the Cold War and the Red Scares, the far right “saw spies and communists influencing government and entertainment. Thus, despite bipartisan anticommunism in the United States, it was the right that mainly fought the great ideological battle against the communists.”^[187] The John Birch Society, founded in 1958, is a prominent example of a far-right organization mainly concerned with anti-communism and the perceived threat of communism. Neo-Nazi militant Robert Jay Matthews of the White supremacist group The Order came to support the John Birch Society, especially when conservative icon Barry Goldwater from Arizona ran for the presidency on the Republican Party ticket. Far-right conservatives consider John Birch to be the first casualty of the Cold War.^[188] In the 1990s, many conservatives turned against then-President George H. W. Bush, who pleasured neither the Republican Party’s more moderate and far-right wings. As a result, Bush was primared by Pat Buchanan. In the 2000s, critics of President George W. Bush‘s conservative unilateralism argued it can be traced to both Vice President Dick Cheney who embraced the policy since the early 1990s and to far-right Congressmen who won their seats during the conservative revolution of 1994.^[11]
【参考译文】在冷战和红色恐慌期间，极右翼“看到间谍和共产主义者影响政府和娱乐业。因此，尽管美国两党都反对共产主义，但主要是右翼在与共产主义进行伟大的意识形态斗争”。[187]成立于 1958 年的约翰·伯奇协会是一个典型的极右翼组织，主要关注反共产主义和所谓的共产主义威胁。白人至上主义团体“秩序”的新纳粹武装分子罗伯特·杰伊·马修斯开始支持约翰·伯奇协会，尤其是当来自亚利桑那州的保守派偶像巴里·戈德华特以共和党候选人的身份竞选总统时。极右翼保守派认为约翰·伯奇是冷战的第一个牺牲品。[188]在 20 世纪 90 年代，许多保守派转而反对当时的总统乔治·H·W·布什，因为他既不能让共和党的温和派满意，也不能让极右翼满意。因此，布什在党内初选中败给了帕特·布坎南。在 21 世纪初，批评乔治·W·布什总统保守单边主义的人认为，这种单边主义可以追溯到自 20 世纪 90 年代初就支持该政策的副总统迪克·切尼，以及 1994 年保守主义革命期间当选的极右翼国会议员。[11]

Although small voluntary militias had existed in the United States throughout the latter half of the 20th century, the groups became more popular during the early 1990s, after a series of standoffs between armed citizens and federal government agents, such as the 1992 Ruby Ridge siege and 1993 Waco Siege. These groups expressed concern for what they perceived as government tyranny within the United States and generally held constitutionalist, libertarian, and right-libertarian political views, with a strong focus on the Second Amendment gun rights and tax protest. They also embraced many of the same conspiracy theories as predecessor groups on the radical right, particularly the New World Order conspiracy theory. Examples of such groups are the patriot and militia movements Oath Keepers and the Three Percenters. A minority of militia groups, such as the Aryan Nations and the Posse Comitatus, were White nationalists and saw militia and patriot movements as a form of White resistance against what they perceived to be a liberal and multiculturalist government. Militia and patriot organizations were involved in the 2014 Bundy standoff^[189][190] and the 2016 occupation of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge.^[191][192]
【参考译文】尽管 20 世纪后半叶，美国一直存在着小型的自愿民兵组织，但在 20 世纪 90 年代初的一系列武装公民与联邦政府特工的对峙事件之后，如 1992 年的鲁比岭围困事件和 1993 年的瓦科围困事件，这些组织变得更加流行。这些组织对他们认为的美国政府暴政表示担忧，并普遍持有宪法主义、自由主义和右翼自由主义的政治观点，强烈关注第二修正案规定的枪支权利和税收抗议。他们还接受了极端右翼前辈组织的许多相同的阴谋论，特别是新世界秩序的阴谋论。这类组织的例子包括爱国者运动和民兵组织“誓言守护者”和“百分之三者”。少数民兵组织，如雅利安民族和波西·科米塔图斯，是白人民族主义者，他们认为民兵和爱国者运动是对他们所认为的自由和多文化主义政府的一种白人抵抗形式。民兵和爱国者组织参与了 2014 年的邦迪对峙事件[189][190]和 2016 年马卢尔国家野生动物保护区占领事件[191][192]。

After the September 11 attacks in 2001, the counter-jihad movement, supported by groups such as Stop Islamization of America and individuals such as Frank Gaffney and Pamela Geller, began to gain traction among the American right. The counter-jihad members were widely dubbed “Islamophobic” for their vocal criticism of the Islamic religion and its founder Muhammad,^[193] and their belief that there was a significant threat posed by Muslims living in America.^[193] Its proponents believed that the United States was under threat from “Islamic supremacism”, accusing the Council on American-Islamic Relations and even prominent conservatives such as Suhail A. Khan and Grover Norquist of supporting radical Islamist groups and organizations, such as the Muslim Brotherhood. The alt-right emerged during the 2016 United States presidential election cycle in support of the Donald Trump‘s presidential campaign (see: Trumpism). It draws influence from paleoconservatism, paleolibertarianism, white nationalism, the manosphere, and the Identitarian and neoreactionary movements. The alt-right differs from previous radical right movements due to its heavy internet presence on websites such as 4chan.^[194]
【参考译文】2001 年 9 月 11 日袭击事件之后，在美国阻止伊斯兰化组织（Stop Islamization of America）以及弗兰克·加夫尼（Frank Gaffney）和帕梅拉·盖勒（Pamela Geller）等人的支持下，反圣战运动开始在美国右翼中逐渐获得支持。反圣战成员因其公开批判伊斯兰教及其创始人穆罕默德，[193]并认为居住在美国的穆斯林构成了重大威胁，[193]而被广泛称为“伊斯兰恐惧症者”。该运动的支持者认为美国正面临“伊斯兰至上主义”的威胁，指责美国伊斯兰关系理事会，甚至指责苏海尔·A·可汗（Suhail A. Khan）和格罗弗·诺奎斯特（Grover Norquist）等著名保守派人士支持穆斯林兄弟会等激进伊斯兰组织。另类右翼（alt-right）在 2016 年美国总统大选期间出现，以支持唐纳德·特朗普（Donald Trump）的总统竞选活动（见：特朗普主义）。它受到古保守主义、古自由意志主义、白人民族主义、男性领域以及身份认同主义和新反动主义运动的影响。另类右翼与之前的极端右翼运动不同，因为它在 4chan 等网站上的网络影响力很大。[194]

Chetan Bhatt, in White Extinction: Metaphysical Elements of Contemporary Western Fascism, says that “The ‘fear of white extinction’, and related ideas of population eugenics, have travelled far and represent a wider political anxiety about ‘white displacement’ in the US, UK, and Europe that has fuelled the right-wing phenomena referred to by that sanitizing word ‘populism‘, a term that neatly evades attention to the racism and white majoritarianism that energizes it.”^[195]
【参考译文】切坦·巴特（Chetan Bhatt）在《白人灭绝：当代西方法西斯主义的形而上学元素》一书中说，“‘对白人灭绝的恐惧’以及与之相关的人口优生学观念流传甚广，代表了美国、英国和欧洲对‘白人被取代’的更广泛的政治焦虑，这种焦虑助长了用‘民粹主义’这一粉饰之词所指称的右翼现象，该词巧妙地避开了对其背后的种族主义和白人至上主义的关注，而正是这些因素为其注入了活力。”[195]

5.2.9 其他国家和地区

辽观注：此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

阿根廷

• 自由意志党
• 联邦主义联盟党
• 门多萨民主党

加拿大

• 加拿大民族-社会党
• 加拿大民族主义党
• 西部党
• 加拿大人民党

哥伦比亚

• 民主中心^[64]
• 公民选择^[65]

5.3 亚洲 | Asia

See also: Fascism in Asia【参见：亚洲的法西斯主义】

5.3.1 中国 | China

In the 21st century, far-right Chinese nationalism has been criticized for being used to justify oppression of the Xinjiang, Hong Kong region and a lack of human rights improvement,^[196][197] but full-scale ultranationalism is deemed to be unlikely.^[198] The Chinese Communist Party and its general secretary Xi Jinping have also tolerated or moved closer toward ultraconservative^[199] and Han-centric values.^[200][201]
【参考译文】21 世纪，极右翼中国民族主义被批评为压迫新疆、香港地区和人权状况欠佳的借口，[196][197] 但全面极端民族主义不太可能出现。[198] 中国共产党及其总书记习近平也容忍或更接近极端保守主义[199] 和汉族中心主义价值观。[200][201]

Jiang Shigong is considered a major promoter of the ideas of Carl Schmitt and neoauthoritarianism in China.^[202] Some intellectuals “flirted” with neoconservatism and its “fascistic-like characteristics”, but they have not gained wide appeal.^[203]
{参考译文】强世功被认为是卡尔·施密特思想和中国新威权主义的主要推动者。[202] 一些知识分子“调情”新保守主义及其“法西斯主义特征”，但他们并没有获得广泛的吸引力。[203]

5.3.2 印度 | India

印度

• 湿婆军^[11][12]
• 印度人民党^{[13][14][15][16][17]}
• 马哈拉施特拉复兴军^[18][19][20]

Bharatiya Janata Party in India has been claimed to combine economic nationalism with religious nationalism.^[204]
【参考译文】印度人民党据称将经济民族主义与宗教民族主义相结合。[204]

5.3.3 印度尼西亚 | Indonesia

Some islamists in Indonesia are far-right.^[205]
【参考译文】印度尼西亚的一些伊斯兰主义者是极右翼人士。[205]

5.3.4 以色列 | Israel

Main articles: Far-right politics in Israel and Kach (political party)
【主条目：以色列的极右翼政治和卡奇（政党）】

以色列

• 犹太保卫同盟^[21]
• 复活党
• 犹太国民阵线
• 凯煦
• 伊尔贡
• 犹太人家园
• 新右翼
• 宗教锡安主义党
• 以色列联合党（部分派系）

Kach was a radical Orthodox Jewish, religious Zionist political party in Israel, existing from 1971 to 1994.^[206] Founded by Rabbi Meir Kahane in 1971, based on his Jewish-Orthodox-nationalist ideology subsequently known as Kahanism, which held the view that most Arabs living in Israel are enemies of Jews and Israel itself, and believed that a Jewish theocratic state, where non-Jews have no voting rights, should be created.^[207] The party secured a single seat in the Knesset in the 1984 election,^[208] but was subsequently barred from standing in elections, and both it and Kahanism organisations were banned outright in 1994 by the Israeli cabinet under 1948 anti-terrorism laws,^[209] following statements by it in support of the 1994 Cave of the Patriarchs massacre by a Kach supporter.^[210]
【参考译文】卡赫党是以色列的一个激进的正统犹太宗教复国主义政党，存在时间从 1971 年到 1994 年。[206] 该党由拉比梅尔·卡哈纳于 1971 年创立，基于他的犹太正统民族主义意识形态，后来被称为卡哈主义，该意识形态认为，大多数居住在以色列的阿拉伯人都是犹太人和以色列本身的敌人，并认为应该建立一个非犹太人没有投票权的犹太神权国家。[207] 该党在 1984 年的选举中获得了议会的一个席位，[208] 但随后被禁止参加选举，1994 年，以色列内阁根据 1948 年的反恐法彻底禁止了该党和卡哈主义组织，[209] 此前该党发表声明支持 1994 年卡赫支持者在族长洞穴进行的屠杀。[210]

In 2015, the Kach party and Kahanist movement were believed to have an overlapping membership of fewer than 100 people,^[211][212] with links to the modern party Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) party,^[213][214] which, running on a Kahanist and anti-Arab platform,^[215][216] won six seats in the 2022 Israeli legislative election, having run jointly with fellow far-right parties Religious Zionist Party and Noam.^[217][218] The thirty-seventh government of Israel which formed after the 2022 Israeli legislative election as subsequently been critiqued as Israel’s most hardline and far-right government to date.^[219][220] The coalition government consists of six parties: Likud, United Torah Judaism, Shas, Otzma Yehudit, Religious Zionist Party and Noam, so having half of its coalition partners hailing from the far-right. The government has been noted for its significant shift towards far-right policies, and the appointment of controversial far-right politicians, including Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, to positions of considerable influence.^[221]
【参考译文】2015 年，卡赫党和卡哈尼主义运动据信重叠成员人数不足 100 人[211][212]，与现代政党犹太力量党（Otzma Yehudit）[213][214]有联系，该党以卡哈尼主义和反阿拉伯平台运行[215][216]，在 2022 年以色列立法选举中赢得了六个席位，与其他极右翼政党宗教犹太复国主义党和诺姆党联合参选。[217][218] 2022 年以色列立法选举后组建的以色列第 37 届政府随后被批评为以色列迄今为止最强硬和最极右翼的政府。[219][220]联合政府由六个政党组成：利库德集团、联合托拉犹太教、沙斯党、奥兹玛耶胡迪特、宗教犹太复国主义党和诺姆党，因此其半数联盟伙伴来自极右翼。该政府因其向极右翼政策的重大转变以及任命有争议的极右翼政客（包括伊塔马尔·本-格维尔和贝扎莱尔·斯莫特里奇）担任有相当影响力的职位而闻名。[221]

5.3.5 日本 | Japan

日本（参见日本右翼团体）

• 国家社会主义日本劳动者党
• 自由民主党（部分派别）
• 日本维新会
• 大日本爱国党
• 日本第一党
• 日本会议
• 参政党

Main articles: Ultranationalism (Japan) and Uyoku dantai【主条目：极端民族主义（日本）和右翼团体】

Further information: Racism in Japan【更多信息：日本的种族主义】

In 1996, the National Police Agency estimated that there were over 1,000 extremist right-wing groups in Japan, with about 100,000 members in total. These groups are known in Japanese as Uyoku dantai. While there are political differences among the groups, they generally carry a philosophy of anti-leftism, hostility towards China, North Korea and South Korea, and justification of Japan’s role and war crimes in World War II. Uyoku dantai groups are well known for their highly visible propaganda vehicles fitted with loudspeakers and prominently marked with the name of the group and propaganda slogans. The vehicles play patriotic or wartime-era Japanese songs. Activists affiliated with such groups have used Molotov cocktails and time bombs to intimidate moderate Japanese politicians and public figures, including former Deputy Foreign Minister Hitoshi Tanaka and Fuji Xerox Chairman Yotaro Kobayashi. An ex-member of a right-wing group set fire to Liberal Democratic Party politician Koichi Kato‘s house. Koichi Kato and Yotaro Kobayashi had spoken out against Koizumi’s visits to Yasukuni Shrine.^[222] Openly revisionist, Nippon Kaigi is considered “the biggest right-wing organization in Japan.”^[223][224]
【参考译文】1996 年，日本国家警察厅估计日本有 1,000 多个极右翼团体，总成员约 100,000 人。这些团体在日语中被称为“右翼团体”。虽然这些团体之间存在政治分歧，但他们通常都秉持反左翼主义的理念，敌视中国、朝鲜和韩国，并为日本在二战中的作用和战争罪行辩护。右翼团体以其显眼的宣传车辆而闻名，这些车辆配备扩音器，并在显著位置标有团体名称和宣传口号。车辆播放爱国歌曲或战时日本歌曲。与此类团体有关的活动人士使用燃烧瓶和定时炸弹来恐吓日本温和派政治家和公众人物，包括前外务省副相田中均和富士施乐董事长小林洋太郎。一名前右翼组织成员纵火焚烧了自民党政客加藤光一的住宅。加藤光一和小林阳太郎曾公开反对小泉参拜靖国神社。[222] 日本会议公开宣称修正主义，被认为是“日本最大​​的右翼组织”。[223][224]

5.3.4 马来西亚 | Malaysia

Far-right non-governmental organizations have been appropriating human rights language in Malaysia.^[225]
【参考译文】极右翼非政府组织一直在马来西亚滥用人权语言。[225]

马来西亚

• 马来西亚伊斯兰党
• 国民联盟
• 土著权威党

5.3.5 中国台湾（中华民国）| Taiwan (Republic of China)

See also: White Terror (Taiwan) and Chiangism【参见：白色恐怖（台湾）和蒋介石主义】

中华民国

• 立场偏向于亲中共与支持红统政党或政团：
  • 中国国民党（洪秀柱派系）
  • 新党（郁慕明派系）
  • 中华统一促进党
• 立场偏向于激进中国民族主义与支持蓝统政党或政团：
  • 中国国民党（黄复兴派系）
  • 中华民族致公党
  • 中国青年党
• 立场偏向于激进台湾民族主义与台独政党或政团：
  • 民主进步党（部分派系）
  • 台湾基进（官方自称台独左派，但部分人士将其视为极右）
  • 台湾团结联盟
  • 福和会（官方自称温和保守派，但外界偶尔将其视为极右）
  • 喜乐岛联盟
  • 岛抗联
  • 台澎党
• 立场偏向于政治或宗教极端保守的政党或政团：
  • 天宙和平统一家庭党
  • 宗教联盟
  • 护家盟
  • 下一代幸福联盟

The far-right New Party^[226] supports the Chinese unification as proposed by the Chinese Communist Party.^[227][228] Most politicians in the conservative Kuomintang reject one country, two systems.^[229][230]
【参考译文】极右翼新党[226]支持中国共产党提出的中国统一主张。[227][228]保守的国民党大部分政客拒绝一国两制。[229][230]

5.3.6 其他国家和地区

辽观注：此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

缅甸

• 若开民族党
• 联邦巩固与发展党
• 果敢民主团结党

巴勒斯坦

• 巴勒斯坦伊斯兰圣战运动

蒙古国

• 蒙古白色纳粹十字
• 蓝色蒙古
• 全蒙古运动

哈萨克斯坦

• 阿拉什党

大韩民国

• 我们共和党、我们共和党 (2020年)
• 国民力量
• 亲朴新党

黎巴嫩

• 叙利亚社会民族主义党^{[22][23][24][25][26][27][28]}
• 雪松守护者
• 黎巴嫩长枪党

巴基斯坦

• 原教旨主义政党联盟^[29]

塔利班（包括阿富汗主体与巴基斯坦分支） 叙利亚

• 叙利亚社会民族主义党^{[22][23][24][25][26][27]}

塔吉克斯坦

• 塔吉克斯坦伊斯兰复兴党

土耳其

• 正义与发展党
• 大团结党
• 民族主义行动党
• 灰狼
• 人民联盟 (土耳其)

土库曼斯坦

• 土库曼斯坦民主党

伊朗

• 伊朗国家社会主义工人党
• 泛伊朗党
• 原则主义者大联盟

香港

• 激进建制派
  • 帮帮香港出声行动
  • 正义联盟
  • 香港政研会
• 本土派
  • 青年新政
  • 东九龙社区关注组
  • 长沙湾社区发展力量
• 港独派
  • 勇武前线
  • 本土民主前线
  • 调理农务兰花系
• 修宪派
  • 热血公民

泰国

• 人民国家力量党

5.4 欧洲 | Europe

See also: Fascism in Europe【另见：欧洲的法西斯主义】

5.4.1 亚美尼亚 | Armenia

The Armenian-Aryan Racialist Political Movement and the Adequate Party are the main far-right political movements in Armenia.^[231][232]
【参考译文】亚美尼亚-雅利安种族主义政治运动和适当党是亚美尼亚的主要极右翼政治运动。[231][232]

5.4.2 克罗地亚 | Croatia

Main article: Far-right politics in Croatia【主条目：：克罗地亚的极右翼政治】

克罗地亚

• 克罗地亚纯粹权利党^[35]
• 克罗地亚解放运动^[36][37]

Individuals and groups in Croatia that employ far-right politics are most often associated with the historical Ustaše movement, hence they have connections to neo-Nazism and neo-fascism. That World War II political movement was an extremist organization at the time supported by the German Nazis and the Italian Fascists. The association with the Ustaše has been called neo-Ustashism by Slavko Goldstein.^[233] Most active far-right political parties in Croatia openly state their continuity with the Ustaše.^[234] These include the Croatian Party of Rights and Authentic Croatian Party of Rights.^[234] Croatia’s far-right often advocates the false theory that the Jasenovac concentration camp was a “labour camp” where mass murder did not take place.^[235]
【参考译文】克罗地亚从事极右翼政治的个人和团体最常与历史上的乌斯塔沙运动有关，因此他们与新纳粹主义和新法西斯主义有联系。二战时期的乌斯塔沙政治运动当时是一个极端组织，得到德国纳粹和意大利法西斯的支持。斯拉夫科·戈德斯坦将与乌斯塔沙的联系称为新乌斯塔沙主义。[233] 克罗地亚大多数活跃的极右翼政党都公开表示他们与乌斯塔沙的联系。[234] 其中包括克罗地亚权利党和真正的克罗地亚权利党。[234]克罗地亚极右翼经常鼓吹一种错误理论，即亚塞诺瓦茨集中营是一个“劳改营”，那里并没有发生过大屠杀。[235]

The coalition led by Miroslav Škoro‘s far-right Homeland Movement came third at the 2020 parliamentary election, winning 10.9% of the vote and 16 seats.^[236][237]
【参考译文】米罗斯拉夫·斯科罗的极右翼祖国运动领导的联盟在 2020 年议会选举中名列第三，赢得了 10.9% 的选票和 16 个席位。[236][237]

5.4.3 爱沙尼亚 | Estonia

爱沙尼亚

• 爱沙尼亚保守人民党

Estonia’s most significant far-right movement was the Vaps movement. Its ideological predecessor Valve Liit was founded by Admiral Johan Pitka and later banned for maligning the government. The organization became politicized quickly Vaps soon turned into a mass fascist movement.^[238] In 1933, Estonians voted on Vaps’ proposed changes to the constitution and the party later won a large proportion of the vote. However, the State Elder Konstantin Päts declared state of emergency and imprisoned the leadership of the Vaps. In 1935, all political parties were banned. In 1935, a Vaps coup attempt was discovered, which led to the banning of the Finnish Patriotic People’s Movement‘s youth wing that had been secretly aiding and arming them.^[239][240]
【参考译文】爱沙尼亚最重要的极右翼运动是 Vaps 运动。其意识形态前身 Valve Liit 由海军上将 Johan Pitka 创立，后来因诽谤政府而被禁止。该组织迅速政治化，Vaps 很快演变成一场大规模法西斯运动。[238] 1933 年，爱沙尼亚人对 Vaps 提出的宪法修改进行了投票，该党后来赢得了大部分选票。然而，国家元老康斯坦丁·帕茨宣布进入紧急状态，并监禁了 Vaps 的领导人。1935 年，所有政党都被禁止。1935 年，Vaps 的政变企图被发现，导致芬兰爱国人民运动的青年翼被禁止，该翼一直在秘密援助和武装他们。[239][240]

During World War II, the Estonian Self-Administration was a collaborationist pro-Nazi government set up in Estonia, headed by Vaps member Hjalmar Mäe.^[241] In the 21st century, the coalition-governing Conservative People’s Party of Estonia been described as far right.^[242] The neo-Nazi terrorist organization Feuerkrieg Division was found and operates in the country, with some members of the Conservative People’s Party of Estonia having been linked to the Feuerkrieg Division.^{[243][244][245][246]} The party’s youth organisation Blue Awakening organises an annual torchlight march through Tallinn on Estonia’s Independence Day. The event has been harshly criticized by the Simon Wiesenthal Center that described it as “Nuremberg-esque” and likened the ideology of the participants to that of the Estonian Nazi collaborators.^[247][248]
【参考译文】第二次世界大战期间，爱沙尼亚自治政府是在爱沙尼亚建立的亲纳粹政府，由 Vaps 成员 Hjalmar Mäe 领导。[241] 在 21 世纪，执政联盟的爱沙尼亚保守人民党被描述为极右翼。[242] 新纳粹恐怖组织 Feuerkrieg Division 在该国发现并活动，爱沙尼亚保守人民党的一些成员与 Feuerkrieg Division 有联系。[243][244][245][246] 该党的青年组织蓝色觉醒每年都会在爱沙尼亚独立日组织穿过塔林的火炬游行。西蒙·维森塔尔中心严厉批评了这次活动，称其为“纽伦堡式的”，并将参与者的意识形态与爱沙尼亚纳粹合作者的意识形态进行了类比。[247][248]

5.4.4 芬兰 | Finland

Main article: Far-right politics in Finland【主条目：芬兰的极右翼政治】

芬兰

• 正统芬兰人党

In Finland, support for the far right was most widespread between 1920 and 1940 when the Academic Karelia Society, Lapua Movement, Patriotic People’s Movement and Vientirauha operated in the country and had hundreds of thousands of members.^[249] Far-right groups exercised considerable political power during this
period, pressuring the government to outlaw communist parties and newspapers and expel Freemasons from the armed forces.^[250][251] During the Cold War, all parties deemed fascist were banned according to the Paris Peace Treaties and all former fascist activists had to find new political homes.^[252] Despite Finlandization, many continued in public life. Three former members of the Waffen SS served as ministers of defense; Sulo Suorttanen and Pekka Malinen as well as Mikko Laaksonen.^[253][254]
【参考译文】在芬兰，对极右翼的支持在 1920 年至 1940 年间最为广泛，当时卡累利阿学术协会、拉普阿运动、爱国人民运动和维恩蒂劳哈在该国活动，拥有数十万名成员。[249] 极右翼团体在此期间行使了相当大的政治权力，迫使政府取缔共产党和报纸，并将共济会成员驱逐出武装部队。[250][251] 在冷战期间，根据《巴黎和平条约》，所有被视为法西斯主义的政党都被禁止，所有前法西斯主义活动家都必须寻找新的政治归宿。[252] 尽管芬兰化，许多人仍继续从事公共生活。三名前武装党卫队成员担任国防部长：苏洛·索尔塔宁、佩卡·马利宁以及米科·拉克索宁。[253][254]

The skinhead culture gained momentum during the late 1980s and peaked during the late 1990s. Numerous hate crimes were committed against refugees, including a number of racially motivated murders.^[255][256]
【参考译文】光头党文化在 1980 年代后期发展势头强劲，并在 1990 年代后期达到顶峰。针对难民的仇恨犯罪层出不穷，包括多起种族主义谋杀案。[255][256]

Today, the most prominent neo-Nazi group is the Nordic Resistance Movement, which is tied to multiple murders, attempted murders and assaults of political enemies was found in 2006 and proscribed in 2019. Prominent far-right parties include the Blue-and-Black Movement and Power Belongs to the People.^[257] The second biggest Finnish party, the Finns Party, has been described as far right.^{[258][259][260][261]} The former leader of the Finns party and current speaker of the Parliament Jussi Halla-aho, has been convicted of hate speech due to his comments stating that, “Prophet Muhammad was a pedophile and Islam justifies pedophilia and Pedophilia was Allah’s will.” Finns Party members have frequently supported far-right and neo-Nazi movements such as the Finnish Defense League, Soldiers of Odin, Nordic Resistance Movement, Rajat Kiinni (Close the Borders), and Suomi Ensin (Finland First). “^[262]
【参考译文【如今，最著名的新纳粹组织是北欧抵抗运动，该组织与多起谋杀、谋杀未遂和袭击政治敌人有关，于 2006 年被发现，并于 2019 年被取缔。著名的极右翼政党包括蓝黑运动和权力属于人民。[257] 芬兰第二大政党芬兰人党被描述为极右翼政党。[258][259][260][261]芬兰人党前领导人、现任议会议长尤西·哈拉阿霍因发表“先知穆罕默德是恋童癖者，伊斯兰教为恋童癖辩护，恋童癖是真主的旨意”的言论而被判犯有仇恨言论罪。芬兰人党成员经常支持极右翼和新纳粹运动，例如芬兰防卫联盟、奥丁战士、北欧抵抗运动、Rajat Kiinni（关闭边界）和 Suomi Ensin（芬兰优先）。 “[262]

The NRM and Finns party and other far-right groups organize an annual torch march demonstration in Helsinki in memory of the Finnish SS-battalion on the Finnish independence day which ends at the Hietaniemi cemetery where members visit the tomb of Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim and the monument to the Finnish SS Battalion.^[263][264] The event is protested by antifascists, leading to counterdemonstrators being violently assaulted by NRM members who act as security. The demonstration attracts close to 3,000 participants according to the estimates of the police and hundreds of officers patrol Helsinki to prevent violent clashes.^{[265][266][267][268]}
【参考译文】芬兰独立日当天，国民抵抗运动和芬兰人党以及其他极右翼团体在赫尔辛基组织了一年一度的火炬游行，以纪念芬兰党卫军营。游行队伍在希耶塔尼米公墓结束，在那里，成员们参观了卡尔·古斯塔夫·埃米尔·曼纳海姆的墓地和芬兰党卫军营纪念碑。[263][264] 反法西斯主义者抗议这一活动，导致反示威者遭到充当保安的国民抵抗运动成员的暴力袭击。据警方估计，此次示威活动吸引了近 3,000 名参与者，数百名警察在赫尔辛基巡逻，以防止发生暴力冲突。[265][266][267][268]

5.4.5 法国 | France

Main article: History of far-right movements in France【主条目：法国的右翼运动】

法国

• 国民联盟^[30][31]
• 身份集团
• 阿尔萨斯第一
• 法国崛起
• 正统派

The largest far-right party in Europe is the French anti-immigration party National Rally, formally known as the National Front.^[269][270] The party was founded in 1972, uniting a variety of French far-right groups under the leadership of Jean-Marie Le Pen.^[271] Since 1984, it has been the major force of French nationalism.^[272] Jean-Marie Le Pen’s daughter Marine Le Pen was elected to succeed him as party leader in 2012. Under Jean-Marie Le Pen’s leadership, the party sparked outrage for hate speech, including Holocaust denial and Islamophobia.^[273][274]
【参考译文】欧洲最大的极右翼政党是法国反移民政党国民联盟，正式名称为国民阵线。[269][270] 该党成立于 1972 年，在让-玛丽·勒庞的领导下团结了各种法国极右翼团体。[271] 自 1984 年以来，它一直是法国民族主义的主要力量。[272] 让-玛丽·勒庞的女儿玛丽娜·勒庞于 2012 年当选为党魁。在让-玛丽·勒庞的领导下，该党因仇恨言论而引发愤怒，包括否认大屠杀和仇视伊斯兰教。[273][274]

5.4.6 德国 | Germany

Main article: Far-right politics in Germany (1945–present)【主条目：德国极右翼政治（1945 年至今）】

德国

• 德国另类选择
• 德国国家民主党^[30][31]
• 共和党^[30][31]
• 自由德国工人党^[30][31]
• 德国异教徒阵线^[30][31]
• 德国人民联盟^[38][39]
• 德国保卫人民和祖国联盟^[30][31]
• 帝国公民

In 1945, the Allied powers took control of Germany and banned the swastika, Nazi Party and the publication of Mein Kampf. Explicitly Nazi and neo-Nazi organizations are banned in Germany.^[275] In 1960, the West German parliament voted unanimously to “make it illegal to incite hatred, to provoke violence, or to insult, ridicule or defame ‘parts of the population’ in a manner apt to breach the peace.” German law outlaws anything that “approves of, glorifies or justifies the violent and despotic rule of the National Socialists.”^[275] Section 86a of the Strafgesetzbuch (Criminal Code) outlaws any “use of symbols of unconstitutional organizations” outside the contexts of “art or science, research or teaching”. The law primarily outlaws the use of Nazi symbols, flags, insignia, uniforms, slogans and forms of greeting.^[276] In the 21st century, the German far right consists of various small parties and two larger groups, namely Alternative for Germany (AfD) and Pegida.^{[275][277][278][279]} In March 2021, the Germany domestic intelligence agency Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution placed the AfD under surveillance, the first time in the post-war period that a main opposition party had been subjected to such scrutiny.^[280]
【参考译文】1945 年，盟军控制了德国，并禁止使用纳粹党徽、禁止出版《我的奋斗》。德国明确禁止纳粹和新纳粹组织。[275] 1960 年，西德议会一致投票决定“禁止煽动仇恨、挑起暴力或以破坏和平的方式侮辱、嘲笑或诽谤‘部分人口’”。德国法律禁止任何“赞同、美化或为纳粹暴力和专制统治辩护”的行为。[275] 《刑法典》第 86a 条禁止在“艺术或科学、研究或教学”范围之外“使用违宪组织的标志”。该法律主要禁止使用纳粹符号、旗帜、徽章、制服、口号和问候方式。[276] 在 21 世纪，德国极右翼由各种小党派和两个较大的团体组成，即德国选择党 (AfD) 和 Pegida。[275][277][278][279] 2021 年 3 月，德国国内情报机构联邦宪法保卫局对 AfD 进行了监视，这是战后主要反对党首次受到此类审查。[280]

5.4.7 希腊 | Greece

（1）Metaxism

Main article【主条目】: Metaxism

德国

• 德国另类选择
• 德国国家民主党^[30][31]
• 共和党^[30][31]
• 自由德国工人党^[30][31]
• 德国异教徒阵线^[30][31]
• 德国人民联盟^[38][39]
• 德国保卫人民和祖国联盟^[30][31]
• 帝国公民

The far right in Greece first came to power under the ideology of Metaxism, a proto-fascist ideology developed by dictator Ioannis Metaxas.^[281] Metaxism called for the regeneration of the Greek nation and the establishment of an ethnically homogeneous state.^[282] Metaxism disparaged liberalism, and held individual interests to be subordinate to those of the nation, seeking to mobilize the Greek people as a disciplined mass in service to the creation of a “new Greece”.^[282]
【参考译文】希腊极右翼最初是在独裁者伊奥尼斯·梅塔克萨斯 (Ioannis Metaxas) 发展的原法西斯主义意识形态梅塔克萨斯主义 (Metaxism) 的意识形态下上台的。[281] 梅塔克萨斯主义呼吁希腊民族复兴，建立一个种族同质的国家。[282] 梅塔克萨斯主义贬低自由主义，认为个人利益服从于国家利益，力求动员希腊人民成为一个有纪律的群众，为建立“新希腊”服务。[282]

The Metaxas government and its official doctrines are often compared to conventional totalitarian-conservative dictatorships such as Francisco Franco‘s Spain or António de Oliveira Salazar‘s Portugal.^[281][283] The Metaxist government derived its authority from the conservative establishment and its doctrines strongly supported traditional institutions such as the Greek Orthodox Church and the Greek Royal Family; essentially reactionary, it lacked the radical theoretical dimensions of ideologies such as Italian Fascism and German Nazism.^[281][283]
【参考译文】梅塔克萨斯政府及其官方学说经常被拿来与传统的极权主义保守独裁政权相比较，比如弗朗西斯科·佛朗哥的西班牙或安东尼奥·德·奥利维拉·萨拉查的葡萄牙。[281][283] 梅塔克萨斯政府的权力来自保守派建制，其学说强烈支持希腊东正教和希腊王室等传统机构；它本质上是反动的，缺乏意大利法西斯主义和德国纳粹主义等意识形态的激进理论维度。[281][283]

（2）轴心国占领希腊及后果 | Axis occupation of Greece and aftermath

Main article: Axis occupation of Greece【主条目：轴心国占领希腊】

The Metaxis regime came to an end after the Axis powers invaded Greece. The Axis occupation of Greece began in April 1941.^[284] The occupation ruined the Greek economy and brought about terrible hardships for the Greek civilian population.^[285] The Jewish population of Greece was nearly eradicated. Of its pre-war population of 75–77,000, only around 11–12,000 survived, either by joining the resistance or being hidden.^[286] Following the short-lived interim government of Georgios Papandreou, the military seized power in Greece during the 1967 Greek coup d’état, replacing the interim government with the right-wing United States-backed Greek junta. The Junta was a series of military juntas that ruled Greece from 1967 to 1974. The dictatorship was characterised by right-wing cultural policies, restrictions on civil liberties and the imprisonment, torture and exile of political opponents. The junta’s rule ended on 24 July 1974 under the pressure of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, leading to the Metapolitefsi (“regime change”) to democracy and the establishment of the Third Hellenic Republic.^[287][288]
【参考译文】轴心国入侵希腊后，梅塔克萨斯政权宣告终结。轴心国对希腊的占领始于1941年4月。[284]这场占领摧毁了希腊经济，给希腊平民带来了极大的困苦。[285]希腊的犹太人口几乎灭绝。在战前的7.5万至7.7万人中，只有大约1.1万至1.2万人幸存下来，他们或是加入了抵抗运动，或是被隐藏起来。[286]在乔治·帕潘德里欧短暂的临时政府之后，1967年希腊发生政变，军方夺取了政权，推翻了临时政府，取而代之的是美国支持的右翼希腊军政府。这个军政府是从1967年至1974年统治希腊的一系列军事政权。该独裁政权的特点是推行右翼文化政策、限制公民自由，并将政治反对者监禁、折磨和流放。1974年7月24日，在土耳其入侵塞浦路斯的压力下，军政府统治结束，从而实现了“政权更迭”（Metapolitefsi）向民主制的转变，并建立了第三希腊共和国。[287][288]

Until 2019, the dominant far-right party in Greece in the 21st century was the neo-Nazi^{[289][290][291][292][293][294][295]} and Mataxist inspired^{[296][297][298][299][300]} Golden Dawn.^{[301][302][303][304][305]} At the May 2012 Greek legislative election, Golden Dawn won 21 seats in the Hellenic Parliament, receiving 6.97% of the vote.^[306][307] It became the third largest party in the Greek Parliament with 17 seats after the January 2015 election, winning 6.28% of the vote.^[308]
【参考译文】直到2019年，21世纪希腊占主导地位的极右翼政党是深受新纳粹[289][290][291][292][293][294][295]和梅塔克萨斯主义启发的金色黎明党。[301][302][303][304][305]在2012年5月的希腊立法选举中，金色黎明党赢得了21个希腊议会席位，获得了6.97%的选票。[306][307]在2015年1月的选举后，该党以17个席位成为希腊议会的第三大党，获得6.28%的选票。[308]

Founded by Nikolaos Michaloliakos, Golden Dawn had its origins in the movement that worked towards a return to right-wing military dictatorship in Greece. Following an investigation into the 2013 murder of Pavlos Fyssas, an anti-fascist rapper, by a supporter of the party,^[309] Michaloliakos and several other Golden Dawn parliamentarians and members were arrested and held in pre-trial detention on suspicion of forming a criminal organization.^[310] The trial began on 20 April 2015^[311] and eventually led to the conviction of 7 of its leaders for heading a criminal organisation and 61 other defendants for participating in a criminal organisation.^[312] Guilty verdicts on charges of murder, attempted murder, and violent attacks on immigrants and left-wing political opponents were also delivered and prison sentences of a combined total of over 500 years were handed out.
【参考译文】金色黎明党由尼古拉斯·米哈洛里亚科斯创立，其起源于旨在恢复希腊右翼军事独裁的运动。在对2013年反法西斯说唱歌手帕夫洛斯·菲萨斯被该党支持者谋杀一案进行调查后，[309]米哈洛里亚科斯和其他几位金色黎明党的议员及成员被捕，并因涉嫌组建犯罪组织而被审前拘留。[310]审判于2015年4月20日开始[311]，并最终导致7名领导人因领导犯罪组织而被定罪，61名其他被告因参与犯罪组织而被定罪。[312]被告还被判谋杀、谋杀未遂以及对移民和左翼政治反对者实施暴力袭击罪名成立，总共被判处的监禁时间超过500年。

Golden Dawn later lost all of its remaining seats in the Greek Parliament in the 2019 Greek legislative election, and^[313] a 2020 survey showed the party’s popularity plummeting to just 1.5%, down from 2.9% in previous year’s elections.^[314] This means that the largest party in Greece that is considered right wing to far right is Greek Solution, which has been described as ideologically ultranationalist^[315][316] and right-wing populist.^[317] The party garnered 3.7% of the vote in the 2019 Greek legislative election, winning 10 out of the 300 seats in the Hellenic Parliament and 4.18% of the vote in the 2019 European Parliament election in Greece, winning one seat in the European Parliament.^[318]
【参考译文】金色黎明党在2019年希腊立法选举中失去了其在希腊议会中剩余的所有席位，[313]而2020年的一项调查显示，该党的支持率暴跌至仅1.5%，低于前一年选举中的2.9%。[314]这意味着希腊最大的右翼至极右翼政党是希腊解决方案党，该党被描述为意识形态上的极端民族主义[315][316]和右翼民粹主义。[317]在2019年希腊立法选举中，该党获得了3.7%的选票，赢得了希腊议会300个席位中的10个席位，并在2019年希腊欧洲议会选举中获得了4.18%的选票，赢得了欧洲议会的一个席位。[318]

5.4.8 意大利 | Italy

Main article: Armed, far-right organizations in Italy【主条目：意大利的武装极右翼组织】

The far right has maintained a continuous political presence in Italy since the fall of Mussolini. The neo-fascist party Italian Social Movement (1946–1995), influenced by the previous Italian Social Republic (1943–1945), became one of the chief reference points for the European far-right from the end of World War II until the late 1980s.^[319]
【参考译文】自墨索里尼倒台以来，极右翼势力在意大利一直保持着持续的政治存在。受前意大利社会共和国（1943-1945）影响的新法西斯政党意大利社会运动党（1946-1995）从二战结束到20世纪80年代末，一直是欧洲极右翼的主要参照点之一。[319]

Silvio Berlusconi and his Forza Italia party dominated politics from 1994. According to some scholars, it gave neo-fascism a new respectability.^[320] Caio Giulio Cesare Mussolini, great-grandson of Benito Mussolini, stood for the 2019 European Parliament election as a member of the far right Brothers of Italy party.^[320] In 2011, it was estimated that the neo-fascist CasaPound party had 5,000 members.^[321] The name is derived from the fascist poet Ezra Pound. It has also been influenced by the Manifesto of Verona, the Labour Charter of 1927 and social legislation of fascism.^[322] There has been collaboration between CasaPound and the identitarian movement.^[323]
【参考译文】从1994年起，西尔维奥·贝卢斯科尼和他的意大利力量党主导了意大利政坛。据一些学者称，这赋予了新法西斯主义新的尊严。[320]贝尼托·墨索里尼的玄孙凯约·朱利奥·切萨雷·墨索里尼作为极右翼政党意大利兄弟党的一员，参加了2019年欧洲议会选举。[320]据2011年估计，新法西斯政党“战斗意大利”（CasaPound）拥有5000名成员。[321]该名称源自法西斯诗人埃兹拉·庞德。它还受到了《维罗纳宣言》、1927年的《劳动宪章》和法西斯社会立法的影响。[322]“战斗意大利”与认同政治运动有过合作。[323]

The European migrant crisis has become an increasingly divisive issue in Italy.^[324] Interior Minister Matteo Salvini has been courting far-right voters. His Northern League party has become an anti-immigrant, nationalist movement. Both parties are using Mussolini nostalgia to further their aims.^[320]
【参考译文】欧洲移民危机已成为意大利一个日益分裂的问题。[324]内政部长马泰奥·萨尔维尼一直在拉拢极右翼选民。他的北方联盟党已成为一个反移民的民族主义运动。这两个政党都在利用对墨索里尼的怀念来推进自己的目标。[320]

4.3.9 荷兰 | Netherlands

Main articles: Netherlands in World War II and Fascism in the Netherlands
【主条目：荷兰在第二次世界大战中的地位和荷兰的法西斯主义】

荷兰

• 自由党
• 民主论坛
• 正确答案2021

Despite being neutral, the Netherlands was invaded by Nazi Germany on 10 May 1940 as part of Fall Gelb.^[325] About 70% of the country’s Jewish population were killed during the occupation, a much higher percentage than comparable countries such as Belgium and France.^[326] Most of the south of the country was liberated in the second half of 1944. The rest, especially the west and north of the country still under occupation, suffered from a famine at the end of 1944 known as the Hunger Winter. On 5 May 1945, the whole country was finally liberated by the total surrender of all German forces. Since the end of World War II, the Netherlands has had a number of small far-right groups and parties, the largest and most successful being the Party for Freedom led by Geert Wilders.^[327] Other far-right Dutch groups include the neo-Nazi Dutch People’s Union (1973–present),^[328] the Centre Party (1982–1986), the Centre Party ’86 (1986–1998), the Dutch Block (1992–2000), New National Party (1998–2005) and the ultranationalist National Alliance (2003–2007).^[329][330]
【参考译文】尽管保持中立，荷兰还是在1940年5月10日作为“黄色方案”（Fall Gelb）的一部分遭到了纳粹德国的入侵。[325]在占领期间，荷兰约70%的犹太人口被杀，这一比例远高于比利时和法国等类似国家。[326]1944年下半年，荷兰大部分地区获得解放。其余地区，尤其是仍处于占领之下的西部和北部地区，在1944年末遭遇了被称为“饥饿之冬”的饥荒。1945年5月5日，随着所有德军部队的全面投降，荷兰全境终于获得解放。自第二次世界大战结束以来，荷兰出现了一些小型的极右翼团体和政党，其中规模最大、最成功的是由吉尔特·维尔德斯领导的自由党。[327]其他荷兰极右翼团体包括新纳粹荷兰人民联盟（1973年至今），[328]中央党（1982-1986），中央党‘86（1986-1998），荷兰集团（1992-2000），新民族党（1998-2005）和超民族主义国家联盟（2003-2007）。[329][330]

5.4.10 波兰 | Poland

Main article: Far-right politics in Poland【主条目：波兰的极右翼】

波兰

• 波兰民族复兴
• 波兰家庭联盟^[46]
• 民族运动
• 波兰王室联合会
• 基督教家庭联合会
• 法律与公正
• 自由与独立联盟
• 共和国复兴－自由与希望联盟

Following the collapse of Communist Poland, a number of far-right groups came to prominence including The National Revival of Poland, the European National Front, the Association for Tradition and Culture “Niklot”.^[331] The All-Polish Youth and National Radical Camp were recreated in 1989 and 1993, respectively becoming Poland’s most prominent far-right organizations. In 1995, the Anti-Defamation League estimated the number of far-right and white power skinheads in Poland at 2,000.^[332] Since late 2000s smaller fascist groups have merged to form the neo-Nazi Autonome Nationalisten. A number of far-right parties have run candidates in elections including the League of Polish Families, the National Movement with limited success.^[333]
【参考译文】在共产主义波兰崩溃后，多个极右翼团体崭露头角，包括波兰民族复兴、欧洲民族阵线和“尼克洛特”传统与文化协会。[331]全波兰青年和全国激进阵营分别于1989年和1993年重建，成为波兰最著名的极右翼组织。1995年，反诽谤联盟估计波兰的极右翼和白人至上主义光头党人数约为2000人。[332]自2000年代末以来，较小规模的法西斯团体合并形成了新纳粹组织“自主民族主义者”。包括波兰家庭联盟、民族运动在内的多个极右翼政党在选举中推出了候选人，但取得的成功有限。[333]

In 2019, the Confederation Liberty and Independence had the best performance of any far-right coalition to date, earning 1,256,953 votes which was 6.81% of the total vote in an election that saw a historically high turnout. Members of far-right groups make up a significant portion of those taking part in the annual Independence March in central Warsaw which started in 2009 to mark Independence Day. About 60,000 were in the 2017 march marking the 99th anniversary of independence, with placards such as “Clean Blood” seen on the march.^[334]
【参考译文】2019年，自由与独立联盟的表现是迄今为止所有极右翼联盟中最好的，获得了1,256,953张选票，占当次选举总投票数的6.81%，而该次选举的投票率也创下了历史新高。极右翼团体的成员在每年于华沙市中心举行的独立日游行中占据了很大比例，该游行始于2009年，旨在纪念独立日。2017年，在纪念波兰独立99周年的游行中，约有6万人参加，游行中还出现了“纯洁血统”等标语。[334]

5.4.11 罗马尼亚 | Romania

Main article: Greater Romania Party【主条目：大罗马尼亚党】

罗马尼亚

• 大罗马尼亚党^[47]
• 新右翼
• 罗马尼亚人团结联盟

The preeminent far-right party in Romania is the Greater Romania Party, founded in 1991 by Tudor, who was formerly known as a “court poet” of Communist dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu^[335] and his literary mentor, the writer Eugen Barbu, one year after Tudor launched the România Mare weekly magazine, which remains the most important propaganda tool of the PRM. Tudor subsequently launched a companion daily newspaper called Tricolorul. The historical expression Greater Romania refers to the idea of recreating the former Kingdom of Romania which existed during the interwar period. Having been the largest entity to bear the name of Romania, the frontiers were marked with the intent of uniting most territories inhabited by ethnic Romanians into a single country and it is now a rallying cry for Romanian nationalists. Due to internal conditions under Communist Romania after World War II, the expression’s use was forbidden in publications until after the Romanian Revolution in 1989. The party’s initial success was partly attributed to the deep rootedness of Ceaușescu’s national communism in Romania.^[336]
【参考译文】罗马尼亚最突出的极右翼政党是大罗马尼亚党，该党由图多尔于1991年创立。图多尔曾是共产主义独裁者尼古拉·齐奥塞斯库（Nicolae Ceaușescu）的“宫廷诗人”，[335]也是他的文学导师、作家尤金·巴尔布（Eugen Barbu）的学生。在图多尔创办《大罗马尼亚》（România Mare）周刊一年后，该周刊仍是大罗马尼亚党最重要的宣传工具。图多尔随后创办了一份名为《三色旗》（Tricolorul）的日报作为配套。《大罗马尼亚》这一历史表述指的是重建存在于两次世界大战期间的罗马尼亚王国的想法。作为罗马尼亚名称下最大的实体，其边界旨在将大多数罗马尼亚族裔居住的领土统一为一个国家，现在已成为罗马尼亚民族主义者的集结口号。由于第二次世界大战后罗马尼亚共产主义时期的内部条件，该表述在出版物中的使用一直被禁止，直到1989年罗马尼亚革命之后才被允许。该党的初步成功部分归因于齐奥塞斯库的民族共产主义在罗马尼亚的根深蒂固。[336]

Both the ideology and the main political focus of the Greater Romania Party are reflected in frequently strongly nationalistic articles written by Tudor. The party has called for the outlawing of the ethnic Hungarian party, the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania, for allegedly plotting the secession of Transylvania.^[337]
【参考译文】图多尔撰写的文章经常带有强烈的民族主义色彩，从中可以反映出大罗马尼亚党的意识形态和主要政治焦点。该党曾呼吁将罗马尼亚的匈牙利族政党——罗马尼亚匈牙利人民主联盟定为非法，指控其密谋分裂特兰西瓦尼亚。[337]

5.4.12 俄罗斯 | Russia

Main article: Russian nationalism【主条目：俄罗斯民族主义】

俄罗斯

• 俄罗斯民族团结
• 俄罗斯自由民主党
• 全俄政党“祖国”
• 另一个俄罗斯
• 全俄人民阵线（部分派别）
• 瓦格纳集团（与极右翼活动有关的雇佣兵组织）

The period of development of Russian fascism in the 1930s–1940s was characterized by sympathy for Italian fascism and German Nazism and pronounced anti-communism and antisemitism.
【参考译文】20世纪30年代至40年代俄罗斯法西斯主义的发展时期以对意大利法西斯主义和德国纳粹主义的同情，以及明显的反共产主义和反犹太主义为特点。

Russian fascism has its roots in the movements known in history as the Black Hundreds and the White movement. It was distributed among white émigré circles living in Germany, Manchukuo, and the United States. In Germany and the United States (unlike Manchukuo), they practically did not conduct political activity, limiting themselves to the publication of newspapers and brochures.
【参考译文】俄罗斯法西斯主义的发展可追溯至历史上被称为“黑百人团”和白卫运动的思潮。它分布在居住在德国、满洲国和美国的白人侨民圈子中。在德国和美国（与满洲国不同），他们几乎没有进行政治活动，仅限于出版报纸和小册子。

Some ideologues of the white movement, such as Ivan Ilyin and Vasily Shulgin, welcomed the coming to power of Mussolini in Italy and Hitler in Germany, offering their comrades-in-arms the fascist “method” as a way to fight socialism, communism, and godlessness. At the same time, they did not deny fascist political repression and antisemitism and even justified them.^[338]
【参考译文】一些白卫运动的思想家，如伊万·伊利因和瓦西里·舒尔金，对墨索里尼在意大利和希特勒在德国的上台表示欢迎，并向他们的战友提供法西斯“方法”作为对抗社会主义、共产主义和无神论的手段。同时，他们并未否认法西斯的政治镇压和反犹太主义，甚至为这些行为辩护。[338]

With the outbreak of World War II, Russian fascists in Germany supported Nazi Germany and joined the ranks of Russian collaborators.
【参考译文】随着第二次世界大战的爆发，德国的俄罗斯法西斯主义者支持纳粹德国，并加入了俄罗斯合作者行列。

Some Russian neo-Nazi organizations are part of the international World Union of National Socialists (WUNS, founded in 1962). As of 2012, six Russian organizations are among the officially registered members of the union: National Resistance, National Socialist Movement – Russian Division, All-Russian Public Patriotic Movement “Russian National Unity“, National Socialist Movement “Slavic Union” (prohibited by a court decision in June 2010), and others. The following organizations are not included in WUNS: the National Socialist Society (banned by a court decision in 2010), the Russian All-National Union (banned in September 2011), and others, such as skinheads: “Legion” Werewolf “” (liquidated in 1996), “Schultz-88” (liquidated in 2006), “White Wolves” (liquidated in 2008–2010), “New Order” (ceased to exist), ” Russian goal “(ceased to exist), and others. Some of the more radical neo-Nazi organizations, using terrorist methods, belonged to skinhead groups such as the Werewolf Legion (liquidated in 1996), Schultz-88 (liquidated in 2006), White Wolves (liquidated in 2008— 2010), New Order (ceased to exist), “Russian Goal” (ceased to exist), and others.^[339]
【参考译文】一些俄罗斯新纳粹组织是国际纳粹党世界联盟（WUNS，成立于1962年）的一部分。截至2012年，该联盟正式注册的成员中有六个俄罗斯组织：民族抵抗组织、国家社会主义运动——俄罗斯分部、全俄罗斯爱国公共运动“俄罗斯民族统一”、国家社会主义运动“斯拉夫联盟”（2010年6月被法院禁止）等。以下组织不属于WUNS：国家社会主义协会（2010年被法院禁止）、俄罗斯全民族联盟（2011年9月被禁止）以及其他如光头党组织：“Legion”狼人（“1996年被清算”）、“Schultz-88”（2006年被清算）、“白狼”（2008-2010年被清算）、“新秩序”（已不复存在）、“俄罗斯目标”（已不复存在）等。一些更激进的新纳粹组织使用恐怖手段，属于诸如狼人军团（1996年被清算）、Schultz-88（2006年被清算）、白狼（2008-2010年被清算）、新秩序（已不复存在）、“俄罗斯目标”（已不复存在）等光头党组织。[339]

Until the end of the 1990s, one of the largest parties of Russian national extremists was the neo-Nazi socio-political movement “Russian National Unity” (RNE), founded by Alexander Barkashov in 1990. At the end of 1999, the RNE made an unsuccessful attempt to take part in the elections to the State Duma. Barkashov considered “true Orthodoxy” as a fusion of Christianity with paganism and advocated the “Russian God” and the “Aryan swastika” allegedly associated with it. He wrote about the Atlanteans, the Etruscans, and the “Aryan” civilization as the direct predecessors of the Russian nation, in a centuries-old struggle with the “Semites”, the “world Jewish conspiracy“, and the “dominance of the Jews in Russia”. The symbol of the movement was a modified swastika. Barkashov was a parishioner of the “True Orthodox (“Catacomb”) Church“, and the first cells of the RNE were formed as brotherhoods and communities of the RTOC.^[340]
【参考译文】直到20世纪90年代末，俄罗斯民族极端主义最大的政党之一是由亚历山大·巴尔卡绍夫于1990年创立的新纳粹社会政治运动“俄罗斯民族统一”（RNE）。1999年底，RNE试图参加国家杜马选举，但未获成功。巴尔卡绍夫认为“真正的东正教”是基督教与异教融合的产物，并倡导“俄罗斯之神”和与之相关的“雅利安万字”。他撰写了关于亚特兰蒂斯人、伊特鲁里亚人和“雅利安”文明作为俄罗斯民族直系祖先的文章，讲述了他们与“闪米特人”、“世界犹太阴谋”和“犹太人在俄罗斯的统治”长达数世纪的斗争。该运动的标志是一个改良的万字。巴尔卡绍夫是“真正东正教（地下）教会”的教区居民，RNE的第一个小组是作为RTOC的兄弟会和社区成立的。[340]

The ideology of Russian neo-Nazism is closely connected with the ideology of Slavic neo-paganism (rodnovery). In a number of cases, there are also organizational ties between neo-Nazis and neo-pagans. One of the founders of Russian neo-paganism, the former dissident Alexey Dobrovolsky (pagan name – Dobroslav) shared the ideas of Nazism and transferred them to his neo-pagan teaching.^[340][341] Modern Russian neo-paganism took shape in the second half^[342] of the 1970s and is associated with the activities of Dobrovolsky and Moscow Arabist Valery Yemelyanov (neo-pagan name – Velemir),^[343][341] both supporters of antisemitism. Rodnoverie is a popular religion among Russian skinheads.^[344][345] These skinheads, however, do not usually practice their religion.^[346]
【参考译文】俄罗斯新纳粹主义的意识形态与斯拉夫新异教（rodnovery）的意识形态紧密相连。在一些情况下，新纳粹与新异教之间还存在组织联系。俄罗斯新异教创始人之一、前持不同政见者阿列克谢·多布罗沃尔斯基（异教名——多布罗斯拉夫）分享了纳粹主义的思想，并将其融入他的新异教学说中。[340][341] 现代俄罗斯新异教形成于20世纪70年代后半叶[342]，与多布罗沃尔斯基和莫斯科阿拉伯学者瓦列里·叶梅利亚诺夫（异教名——维列米尔）的活动有关，[343][341]两人都是反犹太主义者。新异教是俄罗斯光头党中流行的宗教。[344][345]然而，这些光头党通常并不实践他们的宗教。[346]

Historian Dmitry Shlapentokh wrote that, as in Europe, neo-paganism in Russia pushes some of its adherents to antisemitism. This antisemitism is closely related to negative attitudes towards Asians, and this emphasis on racial factors can lead neo-pagans to neo-Nazism. The tendency of neo-pagans to antisemitism is a logical development of the ideas of neo-paganism and imitation of the Nazis, and is also a consequence of a number of specific conditions of modern Russian politics. Unlike previous regimes, the modern Russian political regime, as well as the ideology of the middle class, combines support for Orthodoxy with philosemitism and a positive attitude towards Muslims. These features of the regime contributed to the formation of specific views of neo-Nazi neo-pagans, which are represented to a large extent among the socially unprotected and marginalized Russian youth. In their opinion, power in Russia was usurped by a cabal of conspirators, including hierarchs of the Orthodox Church, Jews, and Muslims. Contrary to external differences, it is believed that these forces have united in their desire to maintain power over the Russian “Aryans”.^[347]
【参考译文】历史学家德米特里·什拉彭托克写道，与欧洲一样，俄罗斯的新异教推动了一些信徒走向反犹太主义。这种反犹太主义与对亚洲人的负面态度密切相关，而对种族因素的强调可能导致新异教徒走向新纳粹主义。新异教徒的反犹太主义倾向是新异教思想和模仿纳粹思想的逻辑发展，也是现代俄罗斯政治一些特定条件的后果。与以前的政权不同，现代俄罗斯政治体制以及中产阶级的意识形态将支持东正教与亲犹太主义和对穆斯林的积极态度相结合。这些政权特征促使新纳粹新异教徒形成了特定的观点，这些观点在很大程度上代表了社会上不受保护和边缘化的俄罗斯青年。他们认为，俄罗斯的权力被包括东正教主教、犹太人和穆斯林在内的阴谋集团篡夺。尽管存在外部差异，但人们认为这些势力在维持对俄罗斯“雅利安人”的统治方面是一致的。[347]

5.4.13 塞尔维亚 | Serbia

Main article: Far-right politics in Serbia【主条目：塞尔维亚的极右翼】

塞尔维亚

• 塞尔维亚激进党^{[48][49][50][51][52]}
• 奥布拉兹
• 民族队列
• 利维坦运动
• 人民自由运动

In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, multiple far-right organizations and parties operated during the late Interwar period such as the Yugoslav National Movement (Zbor), Yugoslav Radical Union (JRZ) and Organization of Yugoslav Nationalists (ORJUNA). Zbor was headed by Dimitrije Ljotić, who during the World War II collaborated with the Axis powers.^[348] Ljotić was a supporter of Italian fascism,^[349] and he advocated for the establishment of a centralized Yugoslav state that would be dominated by Serbs, and a return to Christian traditions.^[350] Zbor was the only registered political party in Yugoslavia that openly promoted antisemitism and xenophobia.^[351] JRZ was registered as a political party in 1934 by Milan Stojadinović, a right-wing politician who expressed his support towards Italian fascism during his premiership.^[352] JRZ was initially a coalition made up of Stojadinović’s, Anton Korošec‘s and Mehmed Spaho‘s supporters, and the party was the main stronghold for Yugoslav ethnic nationalists and supporters of Karađorđević dynasty.^[353] ORJUNA was a prominent organization in the 1920s that was influenced by fascism.^[349] During World War II, Chetniks, an ethnic ultranationalist movement rose to prominence.^[354] Chetniks were staunchly anti-communist and they supported monarchism and the creation of a Greater Serbian state.^[355][356] They, including their leader Draža Mihailović, extensively collaborated with the Axis powers in the second half of the World War II against their common enemy, the Yugoslav Partisans.^[357]
【参考译文】在南斯拉夫王国，战间期晚期有多个极右翼组织和政党活动，如南斯拉夫民族运动（Zbor）、南斯拉夫激进联盟（JRZ）和南斯拉夫民族主义者组织（ORJUNA）。Zbor由迪米特里耶·约蒂奇领导，他在第二次世界大战期间与轴心国合作。[348]约蒂奇是意大利法西斯主义的支持者，[349]他主张建立一个由塞尔维亚人主导的中央集权型南斯拉夫国家，并恢复基督教传统。[350]Zbor是南斯拉夫唯一公开宣扬反犹太主义和仇外心理的注册政党。[351]JRZ由右翼政治家米兰·斯托亚迪诺维奇于1934年注册为政党，斯托亚迪诺维奇在担任首相期间曾表示支持意大利法西斯主义。[352]JRZ最初是由斯托亚迪诺维奇、安东·科罗舍茨和穆罕默德·斯帕霍的支持者组成的联盟，该党是南斯拉夫民族主义者和卡拉乔尔杰维奇王朝支持者的主要据点。[353]ORJUNA是20世纪20年代一个受法西斯主义影响的重要组织。[349]第二次世界大战期间，切特尼克族（一个民族极端主义运动）崛起。[354]切特尼克族坚决反共，支持君主制和大塞尔维亚国家的建立。[355][356]包括其领导人德拉查·米哈伊洛维奇在内的切特尼克人，在第二次世界大战后半段与轴心国广泛合作，共同对抗他们的敌人——南斯拉夫游击队。[357]

After the re-establishment of the multi-party system in Serbia in 1990, multiple right-wing movements and parties began getting popularity from which the Serbian Radical Party was the most successful.^[349] Vojislav Šešelj, who founded the party, promoted popular notions of “international conspiracy against the Serbs” during the 1990s which gained him popularity in the 1992 and 1997 election.^[358] During the 1990s, SRS has been also described as neofascist due to their vocal support of ethnic ultranationalism and irredentism.^[359][360] Its popularity went into decline after the 2008 election when its acting leader Tomislav Nikolić seceded from the party to form the Serbian Progressive Party.^[361] Besides SRS, during the 2000s multiple neofascist and Neo-Nazi movements began getting popular, such as Nacionalni stroj, Obraz and 1389 Movement.^[362] Dveri, an organization turned political party, was also a prominent promoter of far-right content, and they were mainly known for their clerical-fascist, socially conservative and anti-Western stances.^[363][364] Since 2019, the far-right Serbian Party Oathkeepers has gained popularity mainly due to their ultranationalist views,^[365] including the openly neofascist Leviathan Movement.^[366][367]
【参考译文】1990年塞尔维亚多党制重新确立后，多个右翼运动和政党开始流行，其中塞尔维亚激进党最为成功。[349]该党创始人沃伊斯拉夫·舍舍利在20世纪90年代宣扬“国际反塞尔维亚阴谋”的流行观念，这让他在1992年和1997年的选举中大受欢迎。[358]20世纪90年代，由于塞尔维亚激进党公开支持民族极端主义和扩张主义，该党也被描述为新法西斯主义政党。[359][360]2008年选举后，其时任领导人托米斯拉夫·尼科利奇脱离该党，成立了塞尔维亚进步党，该党的受欢迎程度随之下降。[361]除了塞尔维亚激进党，2000年代期间，多个新法西斯主义和新纳粹主义运动开始流行，如Nacionalni stroj、Obraz和1389运动。[362]由组织转变为政党的德维里（Dveri）也是著名的极右翼内容鼓吹者，他们主要以神职法西斯主义、社会保守主义和反西方立场而闻名。[363][364]自2019年以来，极右翼的塞尔维亚誓言守护者党（Oathkeepers）因其极端民族主义观点而广受欢迎，[365]其中包括公开的新法西斯主义政党利维坦运动（Leviathan Movement）。[366][367]

5.4.14 斯洛文尼亚 | Slovenia

This section is an excerpt from Far-right politics in Slovenia.
【参考译文】本节摘自《斯洛文尼亚的极右政治》词条。

斯洛文尼亚

• 利帕
• 斯洛文尼亚民族党

There are multiple groups and organisations within Slovenia which are or have been engaged in far-right political activity, and right-wing extremism. Their political activity has traditionally opposed and targeted socially progressive policies, and minorities (in particular; the LGBT community, and ethnic minorities like the Roma and immigrants (particularly those from the Southern Balkans)),^{[368][369][370][371]} and espoused traditional ultraconservative and reactionary views and values.^[368][370] More recently, a rise in new, incipient alt-right groups has been noted, particularly as a reaction to the European migrant crisis.^{[citation needed]} While far-right actors have been responsible for multiple acts of violent extremism in Slovenia^{[369][370][372]} it is a relatively minor issue in the country.^[373]
【参考译文】斯洛文尼亚境内有多个团体和组织从事或曾从事极右政治活动和右翼极端主义。这些团体的政治活动历来反对并针对社会进步政策和少数群体（特别是性少数群体、罗姆人等少数族裔以及移民，尤其是来自南巴尔干地区的移民），[368][369][370][371]并鼓吹传统的极端保守和反动观点和价值观。[368][370]最近，新兴的另类右翼团体有所增加，尤其是作为对欧洲移民危机的反应。[需要引证]尽管极右势力在斯洛文尼亚制造了多起暴力极端主义事件，[369][370][372]但相对而言，这并不是该国的一个主要问题。[373]

5.4.15 西班牙 | Spain

This section is an excerpt from History of the far-right in Spain.
【参考译文】本节摘自《西班牙极右势力历史》词条。

西班牙

• 西班牙长枪党 (1976年)
• 全国民主^[31]
• 西班牙2000
• 全国联盟
• 呼声
• 加泰隆尼亚平台
• 加泰隆尼亚民族阵线（2013）
• 我们是加泰罗尼亚人

The history of the far-right in Spain dates back to at least the 1800s and refers to any manifestation of far-right politics in Spain. Individuals and organizations associated with the far-right in Spain often employ reactionarytraditionalism, religious fundamentalism, corporate Catholicism, and fascism in their ideological practice. In the case of Spain, according to historian Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, the predominance of Catholicism played an essential role in the suppression of external political innovations such as Social Darwinism, positivism, and vitalism in Spanish far-right politics.^[374]
【参考译文】西班牙极右势力的历史可追溯至至少19世纪，指的是西班牙境内任何形式的极右政治表现。在西班牙，与极右势力相关的个人和组织在其意识形态实践中，往往采用反动传统主义、宗教原教旨主义、社团天主教主义和法西斯主义。就西班牙而言，历史学家佩德罗·卡洛斯·冈萨雷斯·库埃瓦斯指出，天主教的主导地位在压制西班牙极右政治中的外部政治创新，如社会达尔文主义、实证主义和活力论等方面发挥了至关重要的作用。[374]

5.4.16 英国 | United Kingdom

Main article: Far-right politics in the United Kingdom【主条目：英国的极右翼】

英国

• 英国保守党（部分派系）
• 英国改革党
• 英国独立党
• 国民阵线^[31]
• 英国国家党^[31][55]
• 为了不列颠运动
• 战斗18
• 跳羚俱乐部

The British far-right rose out of the fascist movement. In 1932, Oswald Mosley founded the British Union of Fascists (BUF) which was banned during World War II.^[375] Founded in 1954 by A. K. Chesterton, the League of Empire Loyalists became the main British far-right group at the time. It was a pressure group rather than a political party, and did not contest elections. Most of its members were part of the Conservative Party and were known for politically embarrassing stunts at party conferences.^[376] Other fascist parties included the White Defence League and the National Labour Party who merged in 1960 to form the second British National Party (BNP).^[377]
【参考译文】英国的极右势力起源于法西斯运动。1932年，奥斯瓦尔德·莫斯利创立了英国法西斯同盟（BUF），该组织在第二次世界大战期间被禁止。[375]1954年，由A.K.切斯特顿创立的帝国忠诚者联盟成为当时英国主要的极右团体。它是一个压力团体，而非政党，不参与选举。其大多数成员来自保守党，并因在党代会上做出令人尴尬的政治举动而闻名。[376]其他法西斯政党还包括白卫联盟和国家劳动党，这两党于1960年合并，组成了第二个英国国家党（BNP）。[377]

With the decline of the British Empire becoming inevitable, British far-right parties turned their attention to internal matters. The 1950s had seen an increase in immigration to the UK from its former colonies, particularly India, Pakistan, the Caribbean and Uganda. Led by John Bean and Andrew Fountaine, the BNP opposed the admittance of these people to the UK. A number of its rallies such as one in 1962 in Trafalgar Square ended in race riots. After a few early successes, the party got into difficulties and was destroyed by internal arguments. In 1967 it joined forces with John Tyndall and the remnants of Chesterton’s League of Empire Loyalists to form Britain’s largest far-right organisation, the National Front (NF).^[378] The BNP and the NF supported extreme loyalism in Northern Ireland, and attracted Conservative Party members who had become disillusioned after Harold Macmillan had recognised the right to independence of the African colonies and had criticised Apartheid in South Africa.^[379]
【参考译文】随着大英帝国的衰落成为必然，英国极右政党开始将注意力转向国内事务。20世纪50年代，来自英国前殖民地（特别是印度、巴基斯坦、加勒比地区和乌干达）的移民大量涌入英国。在英国国家党的领袖约翰·比恩和安德鲁·方丹的带领下，该党反对这些人进入英国。该党多次集会都引发了种族骚乱，如1962年在特拉法加广场的一次集会。在取得了一些早期成功后，该党陷入困境，并因内部争执而分崩离析。1967年，它与约翰·廷德尔和切斯特顿的帝国忠诚者联盟残余势力联手，成立了英国最大的极右组织——民族阵线（NF）。[378]英国国家党和民族阵线支持北爱尔兰极端效忠主义，并吸引了那些对哈罗德·麦克米伦承认非洲殖民地独立权利并批评南非种族隔离政策而感到幻灭的保守党成员。[379]

Some Northern Irish loyalist paramilitaries have links with far-right and neo-Nazi groups in Britain, including Combat 18,^[380][381] the British National Socialist Movement^[382] and the NF.^[383] In 2004, The Guardian reported that loyalist paramilitaries had been responsible for numerous racist attacks in loyalist areas.^[384] During the 1970s, the NF’s rallies became a regular feature of British politics. Election results remained strong in a few working-class urban areas, with a number of local council seats won, but the party never came anywhere near winning representation in parliament.
【参考译文】一些北爱尔兰效忠派准军事组织与英国的极右势力和新纳粹团体有联系，包括“18战斗组织”[380][381]、英国国家社会主义运动[382]和民族阵线（NF）[383]。2004年，《卫报》报道称，效忠派准军事组织是效忠派地区众多种族主义袭击事件的罪魁祸首。[384]20世纪70年代，民族阵线的集会已成为英国政治的一个常规特征。在一些工人阶级城市地区，该党的选举结果依然强劲，赢得了许多地方议会席位，但它在议会中从未获得过任何席位。

Since the 1970s, the NF’s support has been in decline whilst Nick Griffin and the current British National Party (BNP) grew in popularity. Around the turn of the 21st century, the BNP won a number of council seats. At its peak in the late 2000s, the party had 54 local council seats, one seat in the London Assembly, two seats in the European Parliament, and were the official opposition in the Barking and Dagenham London Borough Council. The party received almost a million votes in the 2009 European Parliament elections, and contested the majority of UK parliamentary seats in the 2010 general election. The party’s membership was 12,632 and its financial resources were an estimated £1,983,947.^[45] By the early 2010s the BNP saw its support and membership quickly collapse due to internal divisions caused by a disappointing performance in the 2010 elections. Griffin was ousted as leader in 2014 after losing his European Parliament seat, and since then the party has been in terminal decline under the leadership of Adam Walker.
【参考译文】自20世纪70年代以来，民族阵线的支持率一直在下降，而尼克·格里芬和当前的英国国家党（BNP）则越来越受欢迎。21世纪初左右，英国国家党赢得了一些议会席位。在2000年代末的鼎盛时期，该党拥有54个地方议会席位、1个伦敦议会席位、2个欧洲议会席位，并成为巴克金和达根汉姆伦敦自治市议会的官方反对党。在2009年的欧洲议会选举中，该党获得了近100万张选票，并在2010年的大选中角逐了英国议会的大多数席位。当时，该党的成员人数为12632人，财政资源估计为1983947英镑。[45]到了2010年代初，由于在2010年选举中表现不佳而导致的内部分裂，英国国家党的支持率和成员人数迅速减少。格里芬在2014年失去欧洲议会席位后被罢免领导职务，此后，该党在亚当·沃克的领导下一直处于衰落状态。

A number of breakaway groups have been established by former members of the BNP, such as Britain First by ex-councillor Paul Golding, the British Democrats by ex-MEP and leadership candidate Andrew Brons, as well as Patriotic Alternative by Mark Collett. UK Independence Party (UKIP) leader Nigel Farage claimed that his party absorbed much of the BNP’s former voters during their electoral peak in the early 2010s.^[385] The party was accused of shifting towards far-right, anti-Islam politics under the leadership of Paul Nuttall and Gerard Batten during its decline in the late 2010s. Anti-Islam activist and former UKIP leadership candidate Anne Marie Waters established the far-right For Britain Movement, which gained a small number of ex-BNP councillors. It was deregistered in 2022, and subsequently a large portion of prominent far-right activists began coalescing around the British Democrats, which (following UKIP’s loss of its few councillors on 4 May 2023, leaving it with only a few parish and town councillors) quickly established itself as the UK’s only far-right party with any electoral representation.
【参考译文】一些由英国国家党前成员成立的分裂团体也应运而生，如由前议员保罗·戈尔丁创立的“英国优先党”、由前欧洲议会议员兼领导层候选人安德鲁·布朗斯创立的“英国民主党”，以及由马克·科莱特创立的“爱国替代党”。英国独立党（UKIP）领袖奈杰尔·法拉奇声称，在2010年代初的选举高峰期，他的政党吸收了大量英国国家党的前选民。[385]在该党于2010年代末衰落期间，它被指责在保罗·纳塔尔和杰拉德·巴顿的领导下转向极右、反伊斯兰的政治立场。反伊斯兰激进分子兼前英国独立党领导层候选人安妮·玛丽·沃特斯成立了极右翼的“为了英国运动”，该运动吸纳了一小部分前英国国家党议员。该运动于2022年被注销，随后，一大批著名的极右翼活动家开始聚集在英国民主党周围，而英国民主党（继2023年5月4日失去少数议员，仅剩下一些教区议员和市镇议员后）迅速成为英国唯一拥有任何选举席位的极右翼政党。

5.4.16 其他国家和地区

辽观注：此标题是我们在搬运、整合过程中添加的。

乌克兰

• 右区
• 全乌克兰联盟“自由”
• 乌克兰语全国联盟
• 乌克兰国民议会－乌克兰人民自卫队
• 亚速营（被指控，官方自称无政治立场）
• 俄罗斯志愿军团

奥地利

• 奥地利自由党^[30][31][32]

德涅斯特河沿岸

• 德涅斯特河沿岸自由民主党

比利时

• 弗拉芒集团^[33]
• 弗拉芒利益^[30][31]
• 国民阵线^[30][31]

保加利亚

• 攻击^[34]

丹麦

• 丹麦人民党^[33]
• 强硬路线
• 新右翼
• 丹麦人党

匈牙利

• 尤比克争取更好的匈牙利运动
• 青年民主主义者联盟－匈牙利公民联盟
• 匈牙利正义与生活党

拉脱维亚

• 民族联盟^[44]

卢森堡

• 替代民主改革党

马耳他

• 欧洲帝国
• 马耳他爱国运动

葡萄牙

• 国家革新者党
• 新社会秩序
• 民族复兴党^[45]
• 够了！

挪威

• 进步党

瑞典

• 瑞典民主党^[53]
• 国家民主党

瑞士

• 瑞士民主党^[54]
• 瑞士民族倾向党
• 提契诺联盟
• 瑞士人民党
• 瑞士民族主义党
• 瑞士自由党
• 瑞士联邦民主联盟

斯洛伐克

• 科特雷巴－我们的斯洛伐克人民党
• 斯洛伐克民族党
• 斯洛伐克人民党
• 真斯洛伐克国家党

意大利

• 北方联盟
• 意大利兄弟（官方自称右派，并否认极右，但外界仍视其为极右）
• 三色火焰

塞族共和国

• 塞尔维亚族民主党
• 独立社会民主人士联盟

5.5 大洋洲 | Oceania

5.5.1 澳大利亚 | Australia

Main article: Far-right politics in Australia【澳大利亚的极右翼】

• 澳大利亚
  • 澳大利亚第一党^[58]
  • 公民选举委员会^[59][60]
  • 一国党

Coming to prominence in Sydney with the formation of the New Guard (1931) and the Centre Party (1933), the far right has played a part in Australian political discourse since the second world war.^[386] These proto-fascist groups were monarchist, anti-communist and authoritarian in nature. Early far-right groups were followed by the explicitly fascist Australia First Movement (1941).^[387][388] The far right in Australia went on to acquire more explicitly racial connotations during the 1960s and 1970s, morphing into self-proclaimed Nazi, fascist and antisemitic movements, organisations that opposed non-white and non-Christian immigration such as the neo-Nazi National Socialist Party of Australia (1967) and the militant white supremacist group National Action (1982).^{[389][390][391]}
【参考译文】自1931年新卫队（New Guard）和1933年中央党（Centre Party）在悉尼成立而崭露头角以来，极右翼势力自二战以来一直在澳大利亚的政治话语中扮演着一定角色。[386]这些法西斯主义前身团体本质上是君主制、反共的和独裁的。早期的极右翼团体之后出现了明确的法西斯主义团体——澳大利亚优先运动（Australia First Movement，1941年）。[387][388]20世纪60年代和70年代，澳大利亚的极右翼势力开始具有更明确的种族内涵，演变为自封的纳粹、法西斯和反犹太主义运动，反对非白人和非基督教移民的组织，如澳大利亚新纳粹国家社会主义党（1967年）和激进白人至上主义团体民族行动（National Action，1982年）。[389][390][391]

Since the 1980s, the term has mainly been used to describe those who express the wish to preserve what they perceive to be Judeo-Christian, Anglo-Australian culture and those who campaign against Aboriginal land rights, multiculturalism, immigration and asylum seekers. Since 2001, Australia has seen the development of modern neo-Nazi, neo-fascist or alt-right groups such as the True Blue Crew, the United Patriots Front, Fraser Anning’s Conservative National Party and the Antipodean Resistance.^[392]
【参考译文】自20世纪80年代以来，该术语主要用来描述那些希望维护他们所认为的犹太-基督教、英裔澳大利亚文化的人，以及那些反对土著土地权、多元文化主义、移民和寻求庇护者的人。自2001年以来，澳大利亚出现了现代新纳粹、新法西斯或另类右翼团体，如“真正蓝领团队”（True Blue Crew）、“联合爱国者阵线”（United Patriots Front）、弗雷泽·安宁（Fraser Anning）的保守国民党和“南极抵抗”（Antipodean Resistance）。[392]

5.5.2 新西兰 | New Zealand

Main article: Far-right politics in New Zealand【主条目：新西兰极右翼】

A small number of far-right organisations have existed in New Zealand since World War II, including the Conservative Front, the New Zealand National Front and the National Democrats Party.^[393][394] Far-right parties in New Zealand lack significant support, with their protests often dwarfed by counter protest.^[395] After the Christchurch mosque shootings in 2019, the National Front “publicly shut up shop”^[396] and largely went underground like other far-right groups.^[397]
【参考译文】自二战以来，新西兰一直存在少数极右翼组织，包括保守阵线（Conservative Front）、新西兰民族阵线（New Zealand National Front）和民族民主党（National Democrats Party）。[393][394]新西兰的极右翼政党缺乏显著的支持，他们的抗议活动往往被反抗议活动所淹没。[395]2019年克赖斯特彻奇清真寺枪击事件发生后，民族阵线“公开销声匿迹”[396]，并像其他极右翼团体一样，大多转入地下活动。[397]

5.5.3 斐济 | Fiji

（1）民族主义瓦努阿塔科拉沃党 | Nationalist Vanua Tako Lavo Party

Main article: Nationalist Vanua Tako Lavo Party【主条目：民族主义瓦努阿塔可拉沃党】

The Nationalist Vanua Tako Lavo Party was a far-right political party which advocated Fijian ethnic nationalism.^[398] In 2009, party leader Iliesa Duvuloco was arrested for breaching the military regime’s emergency laws by distributing pamphlets calling for an uprising against the military regime.^[399] In January 2013, the military regime introduced regulations that essentially de-registered the party.^[400][401]
【参考译文】民族主义瓦努阿塔可拉沃党是一个极右翼政党，主张斐济民族主义。[398]2009年，该党领导人伊利萨·杜武洛科因散发呼吁反抗军事政权的传单而违反军事政权的紧急状态法被捕。[399]2013年1月，军事政权出台了规定，实质上取消了该党的注册资格。[400][401]

5.6 泛民族主义 | Pan-national

Main article: Pan-nationalism【主条目：泛民族主义】

5.6.1 欧洲联盟 | European Union

The development of an pan-european identity among far-right members of the European parliament has been claimed.^[402]
【参考译文】据称，欧洲议会的极右翼成员正在发展一种泛欧洲的身份认同。[402]

欧洲联盟

• 欧洲民族运动联盟
• 欧洲保守派和改革主义者
• 认同与民主党
• 自由和直接民主欧洲
• 争取和平与自由联盟

5.6.2 伊斯兰极端主义 | Islamic extremism

Some Islamic extremists view Islam superior to all other ideologies and non-Muslims as inferior.^[403] Some Islamic extremism can be seen as far-right,^[205] and can have some social acceptance in some countries.^[225] Dhimmi refers to the inferior status of non-Muslims in some historic Islamic states.^[404]
【参考译文】一些伊斯兰极端分子认为伊斯兰教优于所有其他意识形态，非穆斯林则低人一等。[403] 一些伊斯兰极端主义可被视为极右翼，[205] 在某些国家可能获得一定的社会认可。[225] 齐米指的是一些历史悠久的伊斯兰国家中非穆斯林的低下地位。[404]

6. 在网络上 | Online

A number of far-right internet pages and forums are focused on and frequented by the far right. These include Stormfront and Iron March.
【参考译文】许多极右翼网页和论坛都受到极右翼的关注和经常光顾。其中包括 Stormfront 和 Iron March。

Far-right internet movements gained popularity and notoriety online in 2012, and this has not stopped.^[405] In the United States, they gained many followers during the 2016 presidential election, the time after the election during Obama’s last months in office in 2016, and in 2017.^[405]
【参考译文】极右翼网络运动在 2012 年在网上获得了人气和恶名，这种情况一直没有停止。[405] 在美国，他们在 2016 年总统大选期间、大选后奥巴马执政的最后几个月（2016 年）以及 2017 年获得了大量追随者。[405]

6.1 Stormfront

Main article【主条目】: Stormfront (website)

Stormfront is the oldest and most prominent neo-Nazi website,^[406] described by the Southern Poverty Law Center and other media organizations as the “murder capital of the internet”.^[407] In August 2017, Stormfront was taken offline for just over a month when its registrar seized its domain name due to complaints that it promoted hatred and that some of its members were linked to murder. The Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law claimed credit for the action after advocating for Stormfront’s web host, Network Solutions, to enforce its Terms of Service agreement which prohibits users from using its services to incite violence.^[408]
【参考译文】Stormfront是最古老且最著名的新纳粹网站，[406]被南方贫困法律中心和其他媒体组织称为“互联网上的谋杀之都”。[407]2017年8月，由于被投诉宣扬仇恨以及部分成员与谋杀案有关联，Stormfront的注册商夺取了其域名，致其断网一个多月。风暴前线网站托管公司Network Solutions的律师公民权利委员会（Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law）在主张该公司执行禁止用户使用其服务煽动暴力的服务协议后，宣称对此次行动有功。[408]

6.2 Iron March

Main article【主条目】: Iron March

Iron March was a fascist web forum founded in 2011 by Russian nationalist Alexander “Slavros” Mukhitdinov. An unknown individual uploaded a database of Iron March users to the Internet Archive in November 2019 and multiple neo-Nazi users were identified, including an ICE detention center captain and several active members of the United States Armed Forces.^[409][410] As of mid 2018, the Southern Poverty Law Center linked Iron March to nearly 100 murders.^[411][409] Mukhitdinov remained a murky figure at the time of the leaks.^[412]
【参考译文】“铁三月”（Iron March）是一个法西斯网络论坛，由俄罗斯民族主义者亚历山大（Alexander）“斯拉夫罗斯”（Slavros）·穆赫季迪诺夫（Mukhitdinov）于2011年创立。2019年11月，一名身份不明者将“铁三月”用户数据库上传至互联网档案馆（Internet Archive），其中多名新纳粹用户被确认，包括一名美国移民及海关执法局（ICE）拘留中心队长和数名现役美国武装部队成员。[409][410]截至2018年中，南方贫困法律中心（Southern Poverty Law Center）将“铁三月”与近100起谋杀案联系在一起。[411][409]信息泄露时，穆赫季迪诺夫的身份仍不明朗。[412]

6.3 Terrorgram

Main article【主条目】: Terrorgram

The Terrorgram community on Telegram is a network of Telegram channels and accounts that subscribe to and promote militant accelerationism. Terrorgram channels are neofascist in ideology, and regularly share instructions and manuals on how to carry out acts of racially-motivated violence and anti-government, anti-authority terrorism.^[413] In 2021, the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD), an international think-tank, exposed more than two hundred neo-Nazi pro-terrorism telegram channels that make up the Terrorgram network, many of which contained instructions to build weapons and bombs.^{[414][415][416]}
【参考译文】Telegram上的Terrorgram社群是一个由Telegram频道和账户组成的网络，它们订阅并宣扬激进加速主义。Terrorgram频道的意识形态为新法西斯主义，并定期分享如何实施种族主义暴力以及反政府、反权威的恐怖主义行动的指示和手册。[413]2021年，国际智库战略对话研究所（Institute for Strategic Dialogue，ISD）揭露了构成Terrorgram网络的200多个新纳粹主义支持恐怖主义的Telegram频道，其中许多频道包含制造武器和炸弹的指示。[414][415][416]

7. 右翼恐怖主义 | Right-wing terrorism

Main article: Right-wing terrorism【主条目：右翼恐怖主义】

Right-wing terrorism is terrorism motivated by a variety of far right ideologies and beliefs, including anti-communism, neo-fascism, neo-Nazism, racism, xenophobia and opposition to immigration. This type of terrorism has been sporadic, with little or no international cooperation.^[417] Modern right-wing terrorism first appeared in western Europe in the 1980s and it first appeared in Eastern Europe following the dissolution of the Soviet Union.^[418]
【参考译文】右翼恐怖主义是受各​​种极右翼意识形态和信仰驱使的恐怖主义，包括反共产主义、新法西斯主义、新纳粹主义、种族主义、仇外心理和反对移民。这种类型的恐怖主义是零星的，几乎没有国际合作。[417] 现代右翼恐怖主义于 20 世纪 80 年代首次出现在西欧，苏联解体后首次出现在东欧。[418]

Right-wing terrorists aim to overthrow governments and replace them with nationalist or fascist-oriented governments.^[417] The core of this movement includes neo-fascist skinheads, far-right hooligans, youth sympathisers and intellectual guides who believe that the state must rid itself of foreign elements in order to protect rightful citizens.^[418] However, they usually lack a rigid ideology.^[418]
【参考译文】右翼恐怖分子的目标是推翻政府，用民族主义或法西斯主义倾向的政府取而代之。[417] 这一运动的核心包括新法西斯光头党、极右翼流氓、青年同情者和思想领袖，他们认为国家必须摆脱外国势力，以保护合法公民。[418] 然而，他们通常缺乏坚定的意识形态。[418]

According to Cas Mudde, far-right terrorism and violence in the West have been generally perpetrated in recent times by individuals or groups of individuals “who have at best a peripheral association” with politically relevant organizations of the far right. Nevertheless, Mudde follows, “in recent years far-right violence has become more planned, regular, and lethal, as terrorists attacks in Christchurch (2019), Pittsburgh (2018), and Norway (2011) show.”^[27]
【参考译文】根据卡斯·穆德的说法，西方的极右翼恐怖主义和暴力行为近年来通常是由个人或团体实施的，这些个人或团体“最多与极右翼的政治相关组织有边缘联系”。然而，穆德认为，“近年来，极右翼暴力行为变得更加有计划、更加频繁、更加致命，正如克赖斯特彻奇（2019 年）、匹兹堡（2018 年）和挪威（2011 年）的恐怖袭击所表明的那样。”[27]

8. 原各地组织

8.1 亚洲

• 大日本帝国
  • 大政翼赞会
  • 国民同盟(日本)
  • 日本进步党
• 日本
  • 希望之党
• 满洲国
  • 满洲国协和会
  • 俄罗斯法西斯党
• 汪精卫国民政府
  • 中国国民党 (汪精卫政权)
• 中华民国
  • 国家社会主义学会
  • 中国民主进步党
  • 安定力量
  • 中国国民党（蒋家政权）
• 中华民国
  • 宗社党
• 东突厥斯坦伊斯兰共和国
  • 青年喀什噶尔党
• 越南共和国
  • 勤劳人为革命党
• 马来西亚
  • 伊斯兰党
• 大韩民国（韩国）
  • 国民会
  • 民主共和党 (韩国)
  • 自由党 (大韩民国)
  • 民主正义党
  • 自由韩国党
  • 未来韩国党
  • 向未来前进4.0
• 伊朗
  • 民族复兴党
  • 伊朗纳粹党
• 菲律宾
  • 新社会运动（菲律宾）
• 土耳其
  • 美德党
• 香港
  • 香港民族党
  • 香港民族阵线
  • 热血公民

8.2 欧洲

• 俄罗斯帝国
  • 黑色百人团
  • 俄罗斯人民联盟
• 苏联
  • 苏联自由民主党
• 乌克兰
  • 乌克兰民族主义者组织
  • 乌克兰反抗军
  • 乌克兰爱国者
• 纳粹德国
  • 德国工人党
  • 德国国家人民党
  • 纳粹党
  • 国家社会主义革命战斗联盟
• 奥地利
  • 祖国阵线 (奥地利)
• 意大利
  • 意大利战斗者法西斯
  • 国家法西斯党
  • 意大利民族主义协会
  • 共和法西斯党
  • 民主法西斯党
• 西班牙
  • 西班牙长枪党
  • 传统主义西班牙国家工团主义进攻委员会方阵
  • 共和社会运动
• 葡萄牙
  • 国民联盟
  • 国家工团（葡萄牙）
  • 民族复兴独立运动/葡萄牙右翼党
• 希腊
  • 自由思想党
• 罗马尼亚
  • 铁卫团
• 匈牙利
  • 箭十字党
  • 统一党
• 芬兰
  • 爱国人民运动
• 荷兰
  • 荷兰国家社会主义运动
• 瑞典
  • 北欧帝国党
  • 民族民主人士
• 立陶宛
  • 秩序与正义
• 圣马力诺
  • 圣马力诺法西斯党
• 比利时
  • 雷克斯党
• 法国
  • 火十字团
  • 法兰西运动
  • 法国民众党
• 西德
  • 社会主义帝国党
  • 德意志权利党
  • 德意志帝国党
• 克罗地亚
  • 乌斯塔沙
• 英国
  • 不列颠法西斯联盟
• 阿尔巴尼亚
  • 阿尔巴尼亚法西斯党
• 欧洲联盟
  • 民族和自由欧洲
• 爱尔兰
  • 蓝衫党

8.3 非洲

• 扎伊尔
  • 革命人民运动
• 苏丹
  • 全国大会党（苏丹）
• 南非
  • 国民党
  • 保守党（南非）
• 罗得西亚
  • 罗得西亚阵线
• 卢旺达
  • 民族革命发展运动

8.4 大洋洲

• 澳大利亚
  • 澳大利亚国家社会主义党

8.5 北美洲

• 美国
  • 迪克西民主党
  • 三K党
  • 美国人党
  • 反共济会党
• 加拿大
  • 加拿大纳粹党
• 多米尼加
  • 多米尼加党
• 海地
  • 民族团结党（海地）

8.6 南美洲

• 巴西
  • 巴西整合运动
  • 国家秩序重建党
  • 国家革新联盟

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